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About The Battalion. (College Station, Tex.) 1893-current | View Entire Issue (July 19, 1984)
Page 2/ r The Battalion/Thursday, July 19,1984 Opinion Fire / Drop-add process has some problems The first drop-add period for the fall semester begins today, although some students will be hard pressed to make use of it. A summer drop-add period is being offered for the first time. The idea is good — as good as the new preregis tration process used in the spring. Cutting down time spent in lines and reducing the hectic pace of drop-adds is admirable. But to go through the new drop-add process, you must have a paid fee receipt or the pink copy of the fall schedule. That will be a little difficult since the last of the fee invoices were just mailed out this week — most of them were sent to students’ home addresses. It’s awfully difficult for someone to make a trip home to, say, Butte, Mon tana, or even Amarillo, if they are try ing to attend summer school. Waiting for fee slips to be forwarded could mean some students won’t get into some high-demand classes. Allowing students who are here to pick up cop ies of their schedules would reduce the problems and allow the drop-add sys tem to flow more smoothly. But what about students who have their fee slips — but the student and the fee slip are at home? The system is unfair to them. They won’t have an equal chance at some classes. After such a successful fall preregis tration period, it’s a shame that the smoother registration process has hit this snag. Of course, an on-line registration system would eliminate all these prob lems. — The Battalion Editorial Board CEEGCNim ..rww wexw- PARTY UNITY/ ByK The Aej tied q uickl ' .ddinea is a^ c r s to firefig ht fhe seal rope by w .we oued the fi rem here- It is i cuing href >. dej-s when in the rune ■ John H cue co-ord gineering! Protection ers are re seat when Spaces, bu ype of boi ? '“That’s Hubacek i used whei seriously them easi) teaching i and they world, so other firei Mondale looks for 'old line' Democratic coalition Hubaa Billy Pari designed raining raining. By DAVID S. BRODER Columnist for The Washington Post Writers Group O’Cam SAN FRANCISCO — Hard as it may be to believe, there is a kind of wacky internal consistency to what Walter Mondale has been doing the last few days. The choice of Geraldine Ferraro as his running mate, the ap pointment of Bert Lance as the gen eral chairman of their campaign and even the early focus on the religious credentials of the Democrats vs. Presi dent Reagan fit into a strategy. Already it has proved to be a high- risk strategy, capable of backfiring. But that is different from saying there is no logic to it at all. What the Democrats are giving the country is a liberal ticket, ignoring Gary Hart’s chic “new ideas” rhetoric and talking the old-time Democratic religion in accents and words that Mondale’s strategists hope will sound comfortable and familiar to the core constituencies of the party. Religion itself is one of the old-time values the Mondale-Ferraro team is trying to regain from the clutches of President Reagan and the Republi cans. Ferraro in her first press confer ence as a member of the ticket de clared that Reagan’s budgetary and so cial policies make it hard for her to believe he was “a good Christian.” Mondale followed by telling the San Francisco Chronicle that “my faith un mistakably has taught me that social justice is part of a Christian’s responsi bility,” while Reagan is “out to lunch” on that subject. A number of Democrats, including Sen. John Glenn of Ohio and San Francisco Mayor Dianne Feinstein, said they wished that religion could be kept out of the campaign, but that is not going to happen. Ferraro argued that the Republicans had brought it in by questioning how she, a Catholic, could be an opponent of anti-abortion legislation. But it’s clear she and Mon dale would have got around to the subject somehow. Reagan and the Republicans have been having a field day with it. In the 1980 campaign and throughout his term, Reagan has embraced not only the anti-abortion position of many conservative religionists but the cause of restoring organized prayer to pub lic schools. What was revealing was Mondale’s explanation of why he — a liberal min ister’s son — was talking in religious terms. “What I’m trying to do is let people know who I am, and that’s what Gerry (Ferraro) is trying to do...,” he told the Chronicle. “I think the values, beliefs that I have are pre tty much what most Americans have, and I want to make that clear.” It has been clear ever since she first spoke as Mondale’s choice for vice president that Ferraro was picked not just as a woman but as an ethnic Cath olic. Richard Wirthlin, Reagan’s pollster, said that Ferraro’s St. Paul speech last week, dwelling on “family, faith, neighborhood, country and hard work,” was, as he put it, “a page right out of our 1980 play book.” It was also a page from President Jimmy Carter’s successful 1976 play book. It tends to be forgotten now, but Carter was the “traditional values” candidate in that election, the man who talked about his “born-again” ex perience of religious faith and who dwelled on his Navy service and his family’s long attachmant to the Georgia land on which they grew their peanut crops. In picking Lance as the out-front strategist and spokesman for the 1984 Democratic campaign, Mondale was deliberately — not accidently — seek ing to revive the Carter association and the Carter theme. Lance and his wife are not only longstanding per sonal and political pals of the Carters but, like Jimmy and Rosalynn, people who display their religion. When Lance was under investigation and standing trial for alleged banking vio lations, he and his wife have both said, it was religious faith that sustained them until he was acquitted. Ferraro and Lance also happen — not accidentally — to symbolize the two voting groups whose disaffection in recent campaigns has cost the party what had been considered its “natural majority” status. Democrats have been losing at the national level because of defections by second-generation eth nic Catholics in the northern metro politan areas and by Southern whites, particularly white males. Both groups, the political scientists say, have been driven out of the Dem ocratic coalition by the Democrats’ identification with social policies and groups they regard as thereatening to their status. Mondale is not about! the Aggi< turn his back on affirmative action m ^P zl , ne other programs designed to to; stance e s V J blacks or Hispanics. But he istryiiM basket w; say — by pushing forward Ferra ^asquicl and Lance — that he understands! able for recongnizes those who are madentl more hous hv them the A ver Aggi< Uni! bous by them. The tactic is purposely blatant.Ftf' ' 1S raro is a very ethnic ethnic — a bras; fast-talking New Yorker. Lance ist most a caricature of a “good old to Wl W Dixie politician, all folksy charm t chatter. A nervous minority of delega: NEW 1 ! here think Ferraro may be a loose Off plunged i non on the decks of the Mondale a when a b paign, and a vocal majority befe selling pi that the symbolism of the Lances: pointment is all wrong. B^e ^ rally and But both choices really do reflej Mondale’s view of his political needs: what is obviously an uphill struct against Reagan. This is no timet subtley. He reminds me of the chor. director in high school who clearlysa 1 that his ensemble was under-i hearsed for a rapidly approacliiil concert. “If you can’t sing good,’t said, “sing loud.” Profits: American business striving for bottom line By ART BUCHWALD Columnist for The Los Angeles Times Syndicate I went to my favorite haberdashery in Boston, Efrem Weinreb & Son, and was surprised to see a new sign over the store — Roger Weinreb & Father. When I walked in, I found Efrem back in the stockroom rearranging boxes. “I see you changed the name of the store.” “I didn’t change it. My son Roger did,” he replied. “He’s now president of the company.” “Roger?,” I said. “But I just went to his graduation at the Harvard Busi ness School in 1980. I remember how proud you were when he got his MBA. You told him you were going to make him a full partner, but I had no idea you were going to appoint him presi dent.” “Frankly, neither did I. Roger started out in the mailroom, and then worked himself up to underwear and socks. After two weeks he became rest less so I made him vice president of merchandising. Before I knew it, he put in a whole new computer system, renovated all three floors, added a la dies’ line, and found a way of earning 13 percent interest over the weekend on our cash flow by paying our sup pliers through our bank in Hong Kong. Roger said the one thing he learned at Harvard was you either ex pand or die.” “How old is Roger?” I asked. “He’s 28. He came to me about eight months ago and said he felt he wasn’t moving fast enough up the lad der. He told me most of the kids who graduated in his class were already chief executives of their companies The Battalion (ISPS 045 360 Member of Texas Press Association Southwest Journalism Conference The Battalion Editorial Board Rebeca Zimmermann, Editor Bill Robinson, Editorial Page Editor Shelley Hoekstra, City Editor Kathleen Hart, News Editor Travis Tingle, Sports Editor The Battalion Staff Assistant City Editor Robin Black Assistant News Editors Dena Brown, Brigid Brockman, Bonnie Langford Staff Writers Ed Alanis, Kari Fluegel,Bob McGlohon, Sarah Oates Copy Writers Karen Bloch, Cyndy Davis Copy Editor Tracie Holub Photographers Peter Rocha, Eric Evan Lee Editorial Policy The Battalion is a non-profit, self-supporting newspaper operated as a community service to Texas AScM and Bryan- College Station. Opinions expressed in The Battalion are those of the Editorial Board or the author, and do not necessarily rep resent the opinions of Texas AScM administrators, faculty or the Board of Regents. The Battalion also serves as a laboratory newspaper for students in reporting, editing and photography classes within the Department of Communications. United Press International is entitled exclusively to the use for reproduction of all news dispatches credited to it. Rights of reproduction of all other matter herein reserved. Letters Policy Letters to the Editor should not exceed 300 words in length. The editorial staff reserves the right to edit letters for style and length but will make every effort to maintain the author's intent. Each letter must be signed and must in clude the address and telephone number of the writer. The Battalion is published Monday through Friday dur ing Texas A&M regular semesters, except for holiday and examination periods. Mail subscriptions are $16.75 per se mester, $33.25 per school year and $35 per full year. Adver tising rates furnished on reouest. Our address: The Battalion, 216 Reed McDonald Build ing, Texas A&M University, College Station, TX 77843. Second class postage paid at College Station, TX 77843. and he didn’t want to wait until he was 32 years old before he reached the top.” “Did you point out you were only 49 years old?”, I asked. “I did mention it, and he said, ‘No wonder you’re burned out. Maybe it would be a good time to slow down, and hand the torch to the yuppies who have the management skills that are required to deal with the future.’” “Young Harvard MBA’s don’t mince words,” I said. “Did you tell him this business was your whole life, and your dream had always been for you and Roger to work as a team?” “Yes, and he said from the family standpoint he understood it, but as an executive of a corporation he had to think of the stockholders first.” “What stockholders? I thought you owned the store.” “I forgot to tell you. Roger took us public last year. He told me it was the only way he could raise enough capital to buy out Brooks Brothers. “He’s trying to buy Brooks Broth ers?” “Either that or Bloomingdale’s. I didn’t understand the details, except that he plans to use Roger Weinreb as a holding company to threaten take overs of other companies. His room mate, who is 27, is now an investment banker who specializes in leveraged buyouts, whatever the hell that means.” “Okay, I can understand Roger wanting to get ahead, but why would he change Efrem Weinreb & Son to Roger Weinreb & Father?” “Roger said if we wanted to be in the big time we had to change our image, and the name Efrem Weinreb was too associated in our customer minds with the late Seventies. I don' | want to be too hard on him thouj'l' He worked out a ‘Golden Parachuti; deal with me before we went public He said I could stay on at my preset salary as a consultant and have an oil fice until I reached 55.” “Did he say you had to workinlbj stockroom?” “No, that was my own choice. I' easier to work back here thantoesj plain to everyone why we changed c' name of the store.” “I think Roger’s an ingrate.” : “I don’t blame him and 1 dor blame Harvard. I understand thefe thing they teach you at any top bu? ness school is that if you have c choose between net profits and vot own flesh and blood, you go fortfc bottom line.” Reagan's rights record attacked By HELEN THOMAS Columnist for United Press International WASHINGTON — President Rea gan says his commitment to civil rights is “firm and far reaching.” He also told his black appointees that “contrary to a lot of demagoguery that we’re hearing, our administration has moved with vigor and vision on this front.” But the administration’s record does not completely bear out this ded ication to the promotion of equal rights for minorities, according to a bi partisan panel of former government officials. The private panel, called the Citi zens’ Commission on Civil Rights, is sued a 184-page report urging Reagan to reverse what it described as “open hostility or lukewarmness” toward af firmative action programs. The group said that affirmative ac tion remedies, with the backing of sev eral past administrations, led to signif icant improvement in the occupational status of minorities and women. “Beginning in 1981, the executive branch reversed its position,” said panel chairman Arthur Flemming, former secretary of health, education and welfare and a former chairman of the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights. “Our strongest recommendation is that President Reagan re-examine his position of opposition to affirmative action policies developed and imple mented by his five predecessors,” the report said. It said the administration’s stance “has encouraged opposition and de creased the protections of the law available to persons who have been subjected to discrimination.” The president has been philosoph ically opposed to busing and quotas, believing that the racial injustices would be solved through education, employment, bringing blacks intothf mainstream. But the drive to wipe out discriit nation against minorities in America»| society has represented a turbulent part of the nation’s history. The Justice Department, withAssit tant Attorney General William Brail ford Reynolds as point man, has trietl | to overturn many court rulings and wl push for new policies in the civil rigbtt | arena. Reynolds announced that he H tended to use the high court ruling it | the Memphis police case barring la)T offs of senior whites over minoritiest { | challenge many already existing affitj mative action programs. However, the administration ha 1 1 chalked up several victories beforetli f | high court, including an importantseh discrimination case in which the 'f I tices decided that civil rights laws ap I ply only to specific educational pto grams receiving federal funds.