Image provided by: Texas A&M University
About The Battalion. (College Station, Tex.) 1893-current | View Entire Issue (Aug. 11, 1982)
opinion August §>Ie;N Rocky Mm new§ . nEa Did secret ballot affect amendment? by Steve Gerstel United Press International WASHINGTON — Had the balloting been secret, says Sen. Patrick Leahy, the the constitutional amendment mandat ing a balanced budget would have re ceived no more than 15 votes in the Senate. Assistant Senate Democratic leader Alan Cranston, agrees. “It would have failed overwhelmingly if it had been a secret ballot,” he says. Unfortunately for them — and perhaps for the Constitution — the vote was public. With but four months to go before elections, the amendment slithered through 69-31 — two more than needed. Despite the lopsided figures, there is enough evidence to indicate that under different circumstances — in different times — it would have been easily defe ated. But with the electiohs just ahead, Cranston said, “it would be difficult to explain a vote against this amendment.” Indeed of the 31 senators — 11 Re publicans and 20 Democrats — standing for re-election in November, only 11 took the risk to vote against. The ones who bucked the tide of pub lic opinion were: Chafee of Rhode Is land, Heinz of Pennsylvania, Weicker of Connecticutt, Jackson of Washington, Kennedy of Massachusetts, Matsunaga of Hawaii, Metzenbaum of Ohio, Mitch ell of Maine, Moynihan of New York, Riegle of Michigan and Sarbanes of Maryland. But there was also great disquiet among those who voted for the amend ment— both for its content and the way it was shoved through the Senate. For instance, three Southerners — the highly respected Stennis of Mississippi, Heflin of Alabama and Denton of Alaba ma — publicly agonized over using the phrase “declaration of war” as the trigger for permitting Congress to ignore the mandate of the amendment. The United States has not declared war since 1941, but two major wars have occured since then — Korea and Vietnam. If the amendment had been part of the Constitution then, Congress would have had the choice of formally declaring war or force-feeding wartime needs into a peacetime budget. > Despite trepidations, Stennis, Heflin and Denton all voted for the amend ment, vaguely hoping negotiations be tween the Senate and House would pro vide more precise language. Heflin offered an amendment, pro duced by the White House, that would have made the trigger “unforseen or im minent threats” to national security. But this amendment, as all but one other, was defeated — not on its merits but because supporters wanted to pre sent to the House an amendment identic al to the one on a discharge petition which has been garnering signatures for months. After the Senate adopted a rider that would require a three-fifths vote to in crease the debt ceiling, Republican lead er Howard Baker was explicit in stating why he did not want that or any other amendment. Baker said that throughout the pro cess he had been in close contact with his counterparts in the House, who coun seled no changes. Indeed, the debt ceiling rider — due to the parliamentary problems it poses — could be the undoing of the constitution al amendment. The “declaration of war” trigger was not the only part of the amendment that disturbed supporters and opponents. Many felt the amendment flawed be cause it does not require a president to submit a balanced budget, and because it failed to define “national income” — a vital part in the entire process. Baker’s statement that Congress was not really passing a constitutional amendment, but rather just sending it to the states for their decisions, must have added to the misgivings. The states cannot tinker with the amendment — it is a “take it or leave it” proposition. Perhaps Baker was saying the amendment is so flawed the states — in their wisdom — will reject it. At least one senator, John Tower, R- Texas, said he would vote for the amend ment but once it is sent to the states, would urge legislatures not to enact it. A strange way to operate, indeed. Teaching about facts of life Editor’s note: Art Buchwald is recycling some of his best columns whilst he and his family soak up the sun and enjoy the soft sea breeze of the Falkland Islands, other wise known as “Maggie’s Vineyaid.” by Art Buchwald This is the time of year when fathers sit down and have heart-to-heart talks with their sons. “Son, now that you have graduated, your mother feels I would not be fulfill ing my duties as a father if I did not explain certain facts about life to you.” “Yes, Dad.” that’s really crazy.” “Yes, the jacket does match the pants, and you will be expected to wear them together during the daytime.” “But the pants have a crease in the front. What’s that for?” “I’m not certain of its purpose, but now that you are an adult, you are sup posed to keep a crease in your pants.” “Man, what will they think of next?” “First, I would like to show you a few things that you will have to deal with in the outside world. For example, this item is called a necktie.” “What do you do with it?” “You tie it around your neck like this and wear it with a shirt.” “What for?” “Nobody is quite sure. But when you do go out into the cold world, people will expect you to wear one. It’s the Establish ment’s answer to the peace symbol.” “It sure looks funny. What else, Dad?” “This, my boy, is a suit — what are you laughting at?” “T he jacket matches the pants. Hey, “Son, I wish you wouldn’t take our talk lightly. Perhaps I should have explained these things to you before, but I didn’t want to ruin your school days. Yet, what I am telling you now will have a great effect on everything you do.” “Sorry, Dad, but you have to admit wearing a tie and a jacket that matches the pants — what do you call it, a suit? — is a pretty funny idea.” “Can we proceed? These queer looking leather things are called shoes. Do you have any idea what they’re used for?” “Beats me.” “You put them on your feet to protect them from sharp objects.” “I don’t want to wear anything like that, Dad. I’ll take my chances.” “I don’t know how to break it to you, son, but most places require grown-ups to wear shoes.” “Look, Dad, if you want me to, wear a necktie, and I’ll even goalo the jacket and matching pants crease in them; but I’m notgoid those stupid leather things on ni| “Shoes, son, shoes. Believe me, get used to them. After a whileyom even get to like them and keep polished.” “You mean I have to f too?” “You don’t have to, but theyli ter that way and last longer. Here, these socks and then ...” “Socks?” “Yes. You wear them inside the! so the leather won’t rub your feet' “I thought the shoes weresup| protect my feet.” “Provided you wear socks. Son, don’t make this too difficult fbrmej not very good at explaining the life, but believe me. I’ve been tell the truth.” “I’m sorry, Dad. It’s just that thrown all this stuff at me at one and it comes as a shock.” “Perhaps we’ve talked enoughfot day. Tomorrow, I’d like to tellyouai a thing called a razor.” “Razor? That’s a funny word." Indicators — music or noise? Unite VAL I the U- Depart nr Bating padside, The Battalion Letters Policy USPS 045 360 Member of Texas Press Association Southwest Journalism Conference Editor Diana Sultenfuss City Editor BernieFette Sports Editor Frank L. Christlieb News Editors Tracey Buchanan, Daniel Puckett Diane Yount Staff Writers Cyndy Davis, Susan Dittman, Terry Duran, Colette Hutchings, Hope E. Paasch, Joe Tindel Jr., Rebeca Zimmermann Copy Editors Gary Barker, Carol Templin Cartoonist Scott McCullar Photographers .... David Fisher, Octavio Garcia John Ryan, Letters to the Editor should not exceed 300 words in length, and are subject to being cut if they are longer. The editorial staff reserves the right to edit letters for style and length, but will make every effort to maintain the author’s intent. Each letter must also be signed, show the address and phone number of the writer. Columns and guest editorials are also welcome, and are not subject to the same length constraints as letters. Address all inquiries and correspondence to: Editor, The Battalion, 216 Reed McDonald, Texas A&M Uni versity, College Station, TX 77843, or phone (713) 845- 2611. Editorial Policy The Battalion is published three times a week — Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday — during Texas A&M’s summer semesters, except for holiday and ex amination periods, when it is published only on Wednes days. Mail subscriptions are $16.75 per semester, $33.25 per school year and $35 per full year. Advertising rates furnished on request. Our address: The Battalion, 216 Reed McDonald Building, Texas A&M University, College Stadon, TX 77843. The Battalion is a non-profit, self-supporting news paper operated as a community service to Texas A&M University and Bryan-College Stadon. Opinions ex pressed in The Battalion are those of the editor or the author, and do not necessarily represent the opinions of Texas A&M University administrators or faculty mem bers, or of the Board of Regents. The Battalion also serves as a laboratory newspaper for students in reporting, editing and photography clas ses within the Department of Communications. Questions or comments concerning any editorial mat ter should be directed to the editor. United Press International is entitled exclusively to the use for reproduction of all news dispatches credited to it. Rights of reproduction of all other matter herein reserved. Second class postage paid at College Station, TX 77843. by Denis Gulino United Press International WASHINGTON — The government spends $1.1 billion a year to listen to the nation’s economic symphony — still a re cession dirge. Critics say so many factors frustrate the recording of dozens of economic re ports that the exercise can produce less of a symphony score in tune with the busi ness cycle than the clatter of colliding garbage cans. The economic indicators range from the Consumer Price Index to the gross national product. They deal with factory production, balance of trade, retail sales and personal income — an endless march of numbers across newspapers and tele vision screens. popularize existing measurements. The result can be a veneer of continuity and context applied to figures that often turn out to have been highly tentative. So those who hear the economic lul- labyes should not be so surprised when later the music is replaced in midbeat by a funeral march. And the mass of government figures say little about the information that could be most useful: the life expectancy of cer tain jobs or entire industries. In fact, with one prominent exception, the govern ment’s economic measurements say very little about the future even in the vaguest terms. That is still asking too much of economists, the technicians say. Clyde sion. But a former Labor Departiim s economist who also was once chiefft kbly a ti mic forecaster at the Treasury Depivvhile in\ ment, Herman Liebling, groups thfftlen me dex together with many others need basic improvement. i Parted ir ihc city o Kenneth — Gross National Product The gross national product issued every three months by the merce Department, provides pern L |P a tcher a peck on r the pet He fa s patche But by all accounts, people concerned about their jobs are still confused about whether the economy is getting better or worse. Much confusion seems to stem from the shortcomings of the indicators them selves, reports compiled generally in the same way for decades. Many government analysts agree with their critics that the system of producing economic information is not as good as it should be, hampered by budget cuts and an absence of basic research into im provements. Some economic reports may have out lived their usefulness, but not their popu larity, while others can be not only mis leading but irrelevant, say the analysts. If there is no grass roots movement for more relevant statistics, it may be be cause there seems to be an overwhelming surplus of numbers already. An increasingly visible cadre of pro fessional voices has appeared that — with the help of the news media — tend to Consumer Price Index In an age when retail chain stores across the country can report daily sales and inventories to a central headquarters via a computerized cash register, the govern ment’s procedure for determining monthly price changes appears outdated and misleading. The report is usually issued around the 22nd of each month and often cuts like a clash of cymbals across the murmur of the day’s news, especially if the “infla tion rate” escalates into that range above 10 percent dubbed “double digit.” Next year the Labor Department will offer an alternative price index using the costs of rents rather than homeowner- ship, a change long recommended by cri tics who say most people do not own their homes. , M. , H 1111,1 J-fCll LlllV,!!!, [j. pjff* 1 said the broadest unifying framework of the economic indicators. It attempts identify the purchases of all the and services the nation produces home and abroad. The GNP for any current quartet first estimated about midway thro« the period by a “flash” figure, actual 1 highly tentative projection for intett; government use. After the end ofw Q uarter, the first official GNP readiit( elivered, followed by two revisions Swings in inventories and exports^ distort the report, making it appear! the economy expanded or contracted differently than what it did. A slight pansion of the GNP therefore does' prove that a recession has ended. — Producer Price Index Still known as “wholesale prices,” the Labor Department’s Producer Price In dex has been undergoing extensive revi- The relentless meanderings of thee 1 nomy create jobs for some, elimit 11 them for others. The changes trig 1 millions of telephone calls from broh to potential buyers and sellers on Street. And they figure in the thousa" of personal and business investment 1 cisions, which together provide fut> jobs and opportunities for coming get 1 ations. So the beat goes on, an incest' rumbling of a $3 trillion economy U ing constantly but not telling an ahead of time where it’s going. “dif 403 Ur 0 pen |