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Viewpoint The Battalion • Texas A&M University Aggressive workers back Bush campaign By CLAY F. RICHABDS United Press Internationa] WASHINGTON — Talk to the crack campaign team assembled by former CIA Director George Bush and they will tell you the way their man is going to win the 1980 Republican presidential nomination is to get a fast start. If the former Texas congressman doesn’t show well in the early Iowa precinct cau cuses and the New England and Florida primaries, it could be all over. Campaign political director David Keene also admits that along the way, something has to hap pen to Ronald Reagan. It’s not unexpected then that this early in the race, Bush is busy raising money, assembling a staff, and making frequent visits to the states which pick the first del egates next year. Bush, the most moderate of the leading GOP contenders, has one of the most for midable campaign staffs assembled for 1980 — perhaps better than Reagan’s. It includes campaign manager James Baker, who did the same job for Gerald Ford in 1976; Keene, formerly Reagan’s southern coordinator; Peter Teeley and Susan Morrison, the former press direc tors of the Republican and Democratic Na tional Committees respectively and part timers like Vic Gold, Spiro Anew’s speech writer, and Robert Teeter, the GOP’s leading pollster. The Bush campaign has a staff of 40 — about a third in Washington and the rest in Houston — and a monthly payroll of al most $60,000. Congress vetoes Carter Oil and the nation Teeley said money has been flowing in well, with about $1 million already raised. The money men are Robert Mosbacher, Ford’s top fundraiser and Fred Bush, no relation to the candidate, who was Illinois GOP finance director. The first money came in $1,000 chunks from contributors close to Bush, former Ford backers, or other regulars in the GOP eastern establishment. Now he is going more to direct mail fundraising — using everything from his personal Christmas Card list to the roster of the 1976 GOP convention delegates. Bush had been running for president about a year before he formally announced May 1. Since then he has been on the road six days a week, mostly in the early states. Teeley and Keene believe they have a candidate with low name recognition, but no other weaknesses, in a year when others have major flaws — Reagan’s age, John Connally’s indictment and recent conversion to the GOP, Rep. Phil Crane’s ultra-conservatism and Howard Baker’s time-consuming job as Senate GOP leader. “Name recognition isn’t crucial at this stage,” Kenne said in a recent interview. “This is an interim period when you get your organization together, do your fun draising, getting the political junkies on board. “More people can name the lineup of the Balitomore Orioles than the list of Re publican presidential candidates, and By HELEN THOMAS United Press International WASHINGTON — President Carter has his ups and downs with Congress. For whatever the reason, the president has failed to command loyalty from Democrats whose support he needs to achieve his legislative goals. He came to Washington as an outsider — not up through the ranks of Capitol Hill. He is not one of the boys. And de spite the hours he has spent consulting and briefing the Democratic lawmakers, he cannot count on their votes. The ability of special interests to get through to this Congress is well known. Their power, much to Carter’s frustration, is greater and more concentrated than the power of the White House. Administration lobbyists are criticized for not being professionals who know where the bodies are buried. Often, the administration’s legislative compromises come so late they are viewed as surrender. Carter counts on Speaker Thomas O’Neill and Senate Democratic leader Robert Byrd to fight for him. They often do. But sometimes they don’t and their own leadership qualities have come into question. Part of the divisiveness may be due to the times. Most of the lawmakers made it on their own. They did not ride the party’s coattails, nor the president’s. Con sequently, they do not feel obligated to support him. Carter and his top aides have indicated that he may wind up by making an all-out campaign against a Congress that is not responsive to what the president considers the will of the people. Democrat Harry Truman did this suc cessfully in 1948 when he campaigned against the “do nothing” Republican 80th Congress. In another case of frustration that’s probably to their great credit, ” he said. “Name recognition will be our most im portant problem,” he added. “We are try ing to create a sort of broad acceptance of the candidate — and find we are succeed ing in making him the second choice of most. ” Keene says, Reagan is the “most ad mired and loved figure” in the Republican party. He concedes the former California governor could run off with all the marbles early next year, leaving Bush and the others behind. “We have to get people to say ‘Ronald Reagan’s a wonderful guy, but he can’t win, or he can’t beat Carter, ” Keene said. “But we can’t attack Reagan. Reagan’s got to defeat himself— he’s got to slip,” Keene said. “If Reagan fades, people are going to say — at worst — ‘Bush is the worst of the evils’ — or hopefully — ‘Bush is the best alternative,”’ Keene said. “George has the best chance of becoming the beneficiary of the other’s weaknesses.” Keene says Baker is Bush’s chief com petitor if Reagan goes out. The record Bush is running on includes: a former Texas congressman with a strong civil rights voting record; a Republican National chairman who held the party to gether during Watergate; a CIA director who favored a strong intelligence and na tional defense; a UN ambassador and liaison to Peking who pioneered renewing ties to China. with a ongress of the opposite party. Pres ident Gerald Ford governed by veto. The Truman strategy would be difficult for Carter because this is a Congress dominated by his own party. And the Ford stance is not one that would ingratiate Car ter with the Democrats he is trying to woo. “We re just going to call the shots as we see them,” Press Secretary Jody Powell told reporters. “The question of whether the government is doing the job goes be yond the question of party and one of the reasons that it too often fails to act in the public interest is that the public doesn’t know what’s been done until it’s too late.” Carter has had some success in arousing public opinion — and thus pressuring Congress —- in the case of the windfall profits tax on the oil industry. As White House aides like to point out, when Carter first suggested the tax, con gressional leaders doubted it would ever pass. Presidential aides say that as a result of Carter beating the drums, the homefolks made it clear to the lawmakers that they support a tax on the oil revenues which will result from price decontrol. On the strategic arms limitation treaty, some of the public opinion polls show Americans favor its ratification. Carter has hammered away on the subject, seeking its approval at every opportunity. But the Senate so far does not reflect the showing in the polls. And as time goes on, the pub lic appears to be getting more skeptical of the arms control process. Hospital costs containment and other measures proposed by Carter also face toughsledding in Congress. The time may yet come when Carter and Congress agree that they are all in this together. But until that time, the impres sion remains that each is going off in a dif ferent direction, all the while blaming each other. Foreign policy, dollar suffer By JIM ANDERSON United Press International WASHINGTON — Motorists are not the only Americans concerned about gasoline shortages. Official sources say the oil problem undermines efforts to strengthen the dollar and even has a damaging effect on U.S. foreign policy. Administration sources say key advisers have warned President Carter that while the U.S. bill for petroleum imports origi nally was expected to be around $42 bil lion this year, it instead will be at least $52 billion and will revive fears that America’s economic position is crumbling. The higher costs also will drive up the U.S. balance of payments deficit, a major factor in determining international confi dence — or lack of it — in the dollar. And it comes at a time when the admin istration’s defense of the dollar was begin ning to take hold. The dollar had generally increased by about 7 to 10 percent in aver age foreign exchange value this year. Experts say much of the inflated price problem is caused by international compe tition for available supplies, bidding up the prices. They say they have heard of one country, believed to be Israel, paying a spot price of $32 a barrel for one ship ment, well above official prices. Saudi Arabia, which had helped to re strain oil price increases by increasing production in past crises, has instead been playing a neutral role since the signing of the Middle East peace treaty, which it op posed. It has held its production steady at about 8.5 million barrels per day. In past crunches, it raised production to more than 10.5 million barrels per day, partly as a favor to the U.S. administration. The increased U.S. oil bill, and the damage it will cause to the U.S. balance of payments, is likely to be the principal agenda item at the Tokyo economic sum mit late next month. The other summit participants — Japan, Britain, Canada, West Germany and Italy — are warning America’s appetite for oil is upsetting the international economy, creating conditions for a wordwide reces sion and weakening Western efforts to help reduce Third World poverty, sources say. The United States is expected to plead the diplomatic equivalent of guilty, but with extenuating circumstances. Carter is expected to argue that while the energy conservation program has fal len well short of its goals, it has succeeded in one important measurement — con sumption of petroleum compared to the increase in gross national product. He is expected to say the price increases laid on by oil exporting nations are unjus tified by production costs and to ask his summit partners to join in trying to influ ence oil exporters to hold the price line. Wednesday • May 30, 1979 -i ( ]lind lP ut< 1 The ■Anwoing -ougl' Ted Kennedy . Health. Plan j/ up c Juatt lie st jC enl that \ com •he c< tems Jry G YOU,TOO, CAN HAVE A B0PY LIKE THftge R*ftdthis incredible tut true success stafbie 'When T went to the beach to wrHc on my Energy Plan .this hig bully Kicked sand in my face ..(and all over ’my solar cdlecbt$, f jj / YY* Too...) "X decided totb^heir a about it fortheTfeddyKtr? 0 ' 61 HEALTH mN I When I the helpful booklet 1 made an amazing discovery... Tfeddy 'Was the same clown who kicked Sand in my face. "So I packed my bags and went back, home to Georgia... who needs alii aggravation,*^ 64th - Kill at will By ROLAND LINDSEY UPI Capitol Reporter AUSTIN — Texas Legislators have ap proved a record $20.17 billion state budget and adjourned a 140-day session that is destined to be known as much for bills killed as for those passed into law. Before adjourning at midnight Monday, they approved a $988 million school fi nance bill, an additional $200 million in tax relief reimbursements for local school dis tricts and raised the interest ceiling on home mortgage loans in Texas from the historic 10 percent level to a floating ceil ing that could rise as high as 12 percent. But the proposal that caught the eye of the public — and one which could have long term political significance — was a five-day flight of the “killer bees, ” a dozen senators who hid in a cramped one-room apartment rather than allow the Senate to pass a presidential primary bill favoring the presidential ambitions of former Gov. John Connally and the 1980 re-election bids of conservative Democrats in the Legislature. Lt. Gov. Bill Hobby and Speaker Bill Clayton had pushed for creation of a March presidential primary separate from the May primary for state offices that would have allowed Texans to vote in March for Connally in the GOP presiden tial race, then return to the Democratic primary in May to vote for conservative Democrat officeholders. The killer bee antics killed that bill, however, and the unsuccessful search for them by the state’s top police rivaled a Keystone Cops adventure cartoon. The Texas Rangers and Department of Public Safety came close to finding one of the killer bees, but found they had taken his brother into custody instead. The senator, meanwhile, had scurried out the back door and over a fence. Gov. Bill Clements, who earlier had told reporters the Legislature deserved a grade of “F” for its performance in the 140-day session, Monday raised his rating of the Legislature to a “B”, but said he still plans to call them back into special session sometime in the next 18 months to con sider his proposals for initiative and re ferendum, wiretapping and other issues. “I appreciate the efforts you put forth on certain programs of mine, ” Clements told legislators minutes before the mandatory midnight adjournment. “On those pro grams of mine that you didn’t support, we will try it again. “Those of you who have apartments under long term lease, go ahead and give them up because we’re not going to have a quick special session, but I will see you back in Austin before too long,” the gov ernor said. The budget includes a 5.1 percent per year pay raise for state employees, the same increase granted public school teachers in a $988 million school finance bill approved in the closing hours by both houses. gnat Both houses intially had voted f° cent pay raises for teachers, b #nts and Senate negotiators reduced Rcoll crease to 5.1 percent because {Bble they were convinced the goveraSpaj veto any larger pay increase. ®coi The Legislature also passedai Its li the governor a bill establishiisBofii documentary fee auto dealers for handling the paperwork iMMoi with new car purchases, approvepts th; first time a proposed consti® no amendment giving the goveraoPs r power to control spending pngethii state agencies and passed lepBEy, a establishing a single tax appraisal* Bn in each of the state’s 254 countie ,r ed nu “With the passage of the bifl^Vt h: for a single county property app (fcts < tern, which I have recommenifj't'igi Legislature took one of the meuBe p cant steps in history toward efeed property taxation,” Clements saic|ei'gei The same legislation eMngly abolishes the state’s 10 cent perS *orex; ation property tax by reducingtlBnane ment ratio to .0001 percent—as® are reduces the state’s income frouw-HO from $50 million annually to JKWesei nually. Bwei Although Clements assuredl™ v du makers he will call them backintlpoth session to consider initiative andL dum and other of his proposals Whan* defeated, he decined to say when®, foi sion might be. He h: Black progress: one man’s bitter government struggle ertaii r to tl fami Uar oi By ARNOLD SAWISLAK United Press International WASHINGTON — The 25th anniver sary of the Supreme Court’s school de segregation decision on May 17 was the occasion for widespread comment on minority progress or the absence thereof since 1954. Some marveled at the educational, eco nomic and political advances made by blacks and other minorities in the last quarter century. Others said there had been little movement and less sign of a real commitment to equality by the white majority. A voice not heard was that of A. Philip Randolph, a man who was personally re sponsible for or involved in much of the progress of blacks in this country in this century. Randolph was a man who did not mis take progress for victory and he probably would have been among those who stressed the slow pace of improvement since the Brown decision. When he died, aged 90, his associate, Bayard Rustin, put only W.E.B. Dubois and Martin Luther King Jr. ahead of Ran dolph in 20th Century civil rights leader ship. And, considering some of the things Randolph did in his long career as a social activist and labor union leader, Rustin had some substantial evidence on which to base his statement. Randolph began in the streets, but he made his mark standing up to presidents. In the years just before World War I, when Jim Crow restrictions were being imposed on Washington, D.C., blacks, Randolph and an associate laid the blame in their newly launched magazine where historians now agree it belonged — on the doorstep of Woodrow Wilson. Randolph’s first personal runin with a president was in 1941, when Franklin D. Roosevelt tried to talk him out of leading a black “March on Washington” to protest job discrimination. FDR couldn’t make Randolph budge, so six days before the march, the president issued an order effectively opening de fense plant jobs to blacks and setting up a fair employment practices commission to enforce it. Harry Truman was next. The military services were as effectively segregated as any southern town during World War II, but it wasn’t until 1948 — with a peacetime draft looming — that Randolph and other civil rights leaders were able to demand action against Jim Crow in uni form. Again a White House meeting; again a firm stand and a presidential order ban ning practices that had gone on for dec ades. It wasn’t just presidents in the White House who Randolph defied. He fought the discriminatory practices of his own labor movement and in a 1959 so angered 'N THE George Meany with a hell-raisin? Id te tion speech that the AFL-CK FJGht dressed him down right on the pi E R |° F By the 1960s, new black leaden The sec stepping out, but Randolph also part in the gigantic 1963 march oi ington to demand jobs and legislation. Like his predecessor Kennedy was not enthusiastic abo ing host to a half million marchic! (city officials closed the liquor ste prepared as if for a siege) but welcomed representatives of the his office. Randolph, of course, them. In the Washington sense, Rani not a “reasonable” man. He inb things that obviously would be hat complish. He saw some of the® plished, but he never would have job was finished. The Battalion LETTERS POLICY Letters to th&editor should not exceed 300 words and are subject to being cut to that length or less if longer. The editorial staff reserves the right to edit such letters and does not guarantee to publish any letter. Each letter must be signed, show the address of the writer and list a telephone number for verification. Address correspondence to Letters to the Editor, The Battalion, Room 216, Reed McDonald Building, College Station, Texas 77843. Represented nationally by National Educational Adver tising Services, Inc., New York City, Chicago and Los Angeles. McDonald Building, College Station, Texas 778k United Press International is entitled exclusivel) use for reproduction of all news dispatches credit Rights of reproduction of all other matter herein ^ Second-Class postage paid at College Station, TX The Battalion is published Monday through Friday from .. September through May except during exam and holiday periods and the summer, when it is published on Tuesday through Thursday. Mail subscriptions are $16.75 per semester; $33.25 per school year; $35.00 per full year. Advertising rates furnished on request. Address: The Battalion, Room 216, Reed MEMBER Texas Press Association Southwest Journalism Congress Editor Karen S News Editor Debbie PS Sports Editor Sean! City Editor Royf Campus Editor Keith 1 Staff Writers Robin Tho®F Regina Moehlman, Kevin Higginbo! Photo Editor . ClayO* Photographer . LynnB Opinions expressed in The Battalion are those of the editor or of the writer of the article and are not necessarily those of the University administration or the Board of Regents. The Battalion is a non-profit supporting enterprise operated by itt*> as a university and community newspt Editorial policy is determined by the A ■terai Dor k