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loninq for dollars
Allowing private companies to donate money for university research full of potential woes
Ml
oney is the root of all kinds of
evil, even — or perhaps espe
cially — in higher education.
More than ever before, education is
lecoming unduly influenced by eco-
icmic concerns, particularly when it
:omes to highly expensive research ef-
brts. These days, biotechnology firms
CALEB
M( DANIEL
Massachusetts Positions avaiiawsis ind pharmaceutical companies are fmd-
getic. and fun loving students as cw ng unprecedented ways to profit from
•ports, all individual sports such as Temt T r . . .
from and Pool activities, and specially a discoveries made by university researchers.
tg art, dance, theatre, gymnastics w, g (u | t i mate |y science will suffer if it is beholden to the
y & radio. Great Salaries, room, toil . •'>
?-i7th -August-i6th Enjoy a great sm bottom line. By giving huge grants to scientists with various
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Many M
virtually control the research process.
According to a feature report in this month's Atlantic
mthly by Eyal Press and Jennifer Washburn, last year the
University of California at Berkeley took heat for a deal it
J/AQUATIC TECHS needed towrt?
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m pool exercise Maintains treatmsnm negotiated with biotechnology giant Novartis.
In exchange for a whopping S25 million. Press and Wash-
bum report that “Berkeley grants Novartis first right to nego
tiate licenses on roughly a third of the [Plant and Microbial
Biology] department’s discoveries — including the results
of research funded by state and federal sources as well as
by Novartis.”
The deal also gives Novartis two out of five seats on
the department's research committee which decides how
the money will be spent.
These kinds of alliances are not confined to the West
Coast. In fact, it may not be long before Texas A&M Uni
versity feels pressure to make similar deals.
Genetic Savings and Clone, a new business founded
and run in part by the A&M professors who cloned a
prize-winning bull last year, currently claims to have a
“developmental partnership” with the University.
But before this partnership develops into dollar par
ticipation, there are two major reasons university ad
ministrators should approach industry research grants
with caution.
First, it is undesirable to allow' business interests to
dictate research agendas. Universities are supposed to en
courage free and critical thought. But if researchers' hands
are in the pockets of industries, it is less likely that they
will point out potential problems with commercial appli
cations of science.
It is much more likely that researchers will concentrate
their efforts on the projects destined to garner big bucks in
the economy, while allowing less profitable areas of research
to languish in neglect.
In large part, this is why potentially curable diseases con
tinue to plague the developing world. Because these coun
tries do not have the money, researchers and businesses have
no inclination to pour investments into poor markets.
Other problems are inevitable as long as businesses set re
search agendas. Studies
show that researchers
themselves often hold
stock in the companies
that sponsor their
work. Sheldon Krim-
sky, a professor of
public policy at Tufts
University, has con
ducted a study of
800 scientific papers
published in several
journals and found
that about a third of the authors had a financial interest in the
conclusions of their reports.
Just last week, the prestigious New England Journal of
Medicine revealed to the Associated Press that it has violat
ed its own financial conflict-of-interest policy 19 times over
the past three years. The Journal let doctors review drug
treatments even though the doctors admitted up front they
had received “major research support” from the manufactur
ers of the drugs be
ing reviewed.
Moreover, in
dustry-funded re
search often in
hibits the exchange
of information that
is crucial for scien
tific advance.
The free flow of
data and findings is
part of what allows
scientists from around the world to collaborate. But when
businesses fund university research, they often make propri
etary claims to discoveries made on their dime.
According to Press and Washburn, scientists “routinely
sign agreements requiring them to keep both the methods
and the results of their work secret for a certain period of
time. From a company’s point of view, confidentiality
may be necessary to prevent potential competitors from
pilfering ideas.”
Steven Rosenberg, a member of the National Cancer In
stitute who is one of the nation’s leading cancer re
searchers, believes these secrecy agreements are damaging
to scientific progress.
“One of the most basic tenets of science is that w'e share in
information in an open way,” he told The Atlantic Monthly.
The Journal of the American Medical Association pub
lished a 1997 survey of over 2,000 university scientists that
showed this basic tenet is being compromised. Nearly one in
five of the respondents had delayed publication of their work
for more than six months to protect proprietary secrets.
Imagine a cure for cancer being discovered but
kept confidential for a year while business jockeyed
for the right to make the drug. And then imagine it be?
ing so expensive that only the wealthiest patients
could afford it.
If industry is given free rein over university re
search, these possibilities may not be unimaginable.
As Rosenberg said, “The ethics of business and the
ethics of science do not mix well. This is the real dark
side of science.”
Texas A&M and universities around the country
must be careful to preserve disinterested inquiry as the
hallmark of higher education.
It is no wonder that impoverished scientists are
tempted to wed their research with big money. What re
searcher would not want to many a multimillionaire cor
poration? But universities would do well to remember
that in life, as in science, matches made in the board-
room are not necessarily matches made in heaven.
EMILY HARRELL/The Battalion
Caleb McDaniel is d
junior history major.'
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NICHOLAS
ROZNOVSKY
shoose platforms and candidates. In
government classes, students learn
lat the political establishment went
an enlightenment and re
stored the power of nomination to the
party membership through the intro
duction of primary elections. In life
as a voting adult, they learn that the
Boss Tweeds of the world are in pow
er once again.
State primaries and caucuses are
not the incredibly democratic oppor
tunity for citizens to choose their par
's candidates they claim to be. In-
iad, they are merely tools for
securing presidential nominations be
forenational conventions make them
. Political parties know that
only party faithfuls will show up to
vote on primary or caucus day, and
the primary system to place a
stamp of democratic approval on
tlieir appointed candidates.
A prime example of this tactic is
occurring right now in the “race” for
the Democratic presidential nomina-
. Despite the endless attention
Bill Bradley has received from the
media, he still has not mounted a sig
nificant challenge to Vice President
Al Gore. Although Bradley has led
nearly every pre-election media poll
and netted himself an endorsement
from Michael Jordan, Gore has
emerged as the winner in Delaware,
Iowa and New Hampshire. Gore’s
grasp of the nomination should be se
cured after seventeen more states
hold their primaries and caucuses on
“Super Tuesday.” The party mecha
nisms that have been working toward
a Gore nomination since the Clin
ton’s reelection in ’96 will finally
have completed their mission.
The nomination of an incumbent
vice president has become the norm in
today’s political society, so perhaps it
would be better to take a look at the
1996 Republican nomination race.
The GOP had no shortage of hopefuls
in 1996, with a diverse field of chal
lengers ranging from the ultimate
Washington insider Senator Bob Dole
to the ultimate D.C. outsider business
man Steve Forbes.
In the end however, the race for the
nomination was incredibly lackluster
and resulted in the inevitable nomina
tion of Dole, whom most Republi
cans conceded never had any chance
of winning the general election. Once
again, the party establishment had
made their decision and only needed
the populace to rubber stamp it with
their approval via the primaries.
This year however, the Republi
can establishment is finding itself
in quite a quandary. From the very
outset, Texas Governor George W.
Bush has been heralded by the GOP
as its presidential candidate.
In quick order he made minced
meat of the token Republican opposi
tion, dispatching Gary Bauer, Steve
Forbes, Orrin Hatch, Elizabeth Dole
and, for all intents and purposes, Alan
Keyes. It is the last challenger to
Bush’s ascension to the Republican
throne which is causing him, and the
GOP, an enormous headache.
So far, Senator John McCain has
been able to outwit the Republican
Party with an incredibly novel strate
gy — not counting on the party for
the bulk of his support. Although
Bush won contests in Iowa and South
Carolina, McCain has beaten him in
the open primaries held in New
Hampshire, Michigan and Arizona by
courting a coalition of liberal-leaning
Republicans (they do exist) and dis
satisfied Democrats and indepen
dents. McCain has been successful so
far, but the party’s primary calendar is
stacked heavily against him. In a
scheduling scheme which favors gi
gantic, well-organized and party sup
ported campaigns, McCain and Bush
will battle it out for a huge chunk of
the GOP delegate pool on March 7.
Unable to woo the voters of each state
on an individual basis, McCain’s
campaign will not be able to achieve
the success necessary to keep its head
above water. Once more, the primary
system will have weeded out the non-
party approved and secured the “pop
ular” nomination of the party favorite.
McCain’s appeal to centrist De
mocrats and independents should be
a signal to the GOP establishment
that a ticket with his name at the top
could have a decent chance of win
ning in November. The old guard
would grumble about not having their
poster boy to vote for, but they cer
tainly would not bolt to support Gore
just to spite McCain.
Instead, most Republicans will ig
nore the potential of the McCain can
didacy and blindly follow the Bush
campaign, just as the Democrats will
line up behind Gore. The masses will
vote their party’s candidate, not the
candidate they feel would make the
best president. Once again, the No
vember election will be a matter of
who has greater numbers, not who
has the better platform.
Nicholas Roznovsky is a
junior political science major.
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Student echoes feelings
of being ostracized
Inresponse to The Battalion’s series on issues
facing African-American students.
; When I was choosing which school to at-
itend after graduation, I had a variety of
ftioices. I thought for months about which
rone I could get the most out of. When I visit-
led A&M for the first time, I fell in love with
'tie campus, the traditions and the great
lamount of friendliness I perceived from the
ftudent body. I left College Station knowing
ithere was no other school for me.
| After moving here in the fall and start
ling school I realized that the wonderful
I'Aggie Family” was not as warm and Invit
ing to all people as it seemed. The longer I
>as here and the more I talked to other
MAIL CALL
black students, I realized that it was not
the new school or my sensitivity — it was
a feeling of being an outsider. I found my
self wondering if there was a place in the
long line of tradition for a black person, or
even if a black person would be welcomed
into them. As I read The Battalion’s series
on campus racism, I found myself recog
nizing feelings I have felt, situations i have
been in and the anger/frustration I have
felt in my short time here at Texas A&M.
Sadly, Rasheda James’ experience is one
that is not shocking here. Obviously the
views and experiences expressed in the dis
cussion are more universal than some
would like to admit. Talking about race is a
touchy subject, which is why discussions
such as the one featured in The Battalion
are crucial to understanding, and hopefully
diminishing some of those tensions.
Maybe then the outsiders can be wel
comed into the family. The first step is to
begin working past our own personal hang
ups and stereotypes. Once we accomplish
that, true progress begins.
Joseph Pleasant
Class of ’03
The Battalion encourages letters to the editor. Letters
must be 300 words or less and include the author’s name,
class and phone number.
The opinion editor reserves the right to edit letters for
length, style, and accuracy. Letters may be submitted in per
son at 013 Reed McDonald with a valid student ID. Letters
may also be mailed to:
The Battalion - Mail Call
013 Reed McDonald
Texas A&M University
College Station, TX
77843-1111
Campus Mail: 1111
Fax: (409) 845-2647
E-mail: battletters@hotmail.com
VIEW POiNTS
Howdy Ags has right Crossing border for:
idea, bad methods alcohol dangerous
O nce again, Howdy Week and
Howdy Ags have ignored good
taste and a valuable tradition in
favor of promoting the use of “Howdy.”
In order to revive the tradition of say
ing “Howdy," Howdy Ags has adopted a
strategy that can only be referred to as
the “super-loud, eardrum-rupturing, as-
sault-on-sanity ‘Howdy.”
Howdy Ags relied on many means to
deliver this greeting during Howdy
Week. Usually the Howdymobile “Eno-
la Gay” has carried a crew of volun
teers who bellow high-volume
“Howdy” en masse.
In addition, Howdy Ags has
grouped five people with the word
“Howdy” written, one letter per shirt,
on their fronts. As a service to the illit
erate, the group also shouts “Howdy”
wherever they go.
What is curious is that these attempts
at reviving “Howdy” focus on the word,
not the friendliness that should be behind
it. Howdy Ags members cry “Howdy”
and push stickers on bystanders in a very
non-friendly way. “Howdy” i,s seen as a
one-word tradition, not friendliness in
general.
“Howdy” is little more than Aggies’
unique way of being friendly. A&M is
becoming less friendly as it gets bigger.
The decline of “Howdy” is just one
symptom of the decline of A&M’s close-
knit spirit.
By pushing “Howdy” down the stu
dent body’s throat, Howdy Ags is trying
to cure the symptom and not the disease.
Even worse. Howdy Ags, via its brute-
force methodology, is driving away the
students who are generally friendly, but
not tradition-rabid enough to say
“Howdy” all the time.
These students are becoming upset
and unfriendly with anyone who says
“Howdy” because of the juvenile actions
during Howdy Week.
Howdy Ags is at least displaying
thoroughness by shooting itself in both
feet. Actually, they need a third
foot/target once the effect of annoying
and turning away prospective students
is considered.
Howdy Ags is frill of nice people
who have a good idea. They want to
make A&M a friendlier place for all stu
dents. However, they need to concentrate
on the real tradition, not waste their time
pumping, and pushing, “Howdy” at the
expense of a friendlier .campus.
— Chris Huffmes
O fficials in many U.S. towns bor- /
dering Mexico have been con-
cemed for years about underage **
Americans crossing the border in Mexi- *.
co to legal drink alcohol. Mexico’s
drinking age is 18, a few years shy of the’-
legal age for alcohol consumption in the’-T
United States, and American teenagers
who just cannot wait to consume alcohol
in their own country find it hard to resist,
the temptation of bars five minutes awayi
Unfortunately, with that temptation
comes responsibility — a responsibility
those teens are not taking seriously.
The number of fatalities and other ac
cidents related to teenage consumption
in Mexico have continued to increase.
Cities like El Paso and San Diego are
growing more and more uneasy about
American teenagers who frequent Mexi
can bars. Recently, a five-fatality car ac
cident in El Paso drew more attention to
the border. The El Paso youths involved
were drinking in a Juarez club as part of
a birthday celebration, and all five were
killed in a wreck on their way home. All
of them were under the legal drinking
age for the U.S.
In answer to the growing concern
about accidents involving teenage drink
ing on the Mexican side of the border,
Patricio Martinez, the governor of Chi
huahua, Mexico, where Juarez is located
has offered some solutions. Martinez has
proposed an amendment to ban liquor
sales in Chihuahua to U.S. citizens
younger than 21 years of age. If this
amendment to the Mexican state’s consti
tution were to be approved by state law
makers, it would take effect in mid-March.
Mexico’s drinking age is 18. The ,
United States’ drinking age is 21. Two
different countries, two different laws —
for good reason. American teenagers
have caused an another country to at
tempt to alter its laws in order to keep
them in line, and that is sad in itself.
Sure, Gov. Martinez has good intentions,
but he should not have to change a law
to keep American teens under control. .
Banning liquor sales to American
teenagers on the Mexican side of the *
border is not enough to solve the prob
lem. In fact, the answer to this problem
will never be found in the U.S. or Mexi
can constitutions, because the answer to
this problem lies within the problem it
self. Those teens who decide to drink
must alsQ accept responsibility for the
risks that come with that decision — and
they certainly should not drive on the
way home.
— Melissa Johnston