le Battalion O PINION Page 11 • Friday, December 3, 1999 limal 1 irtian surface is designed to analyze ttete v The lander is equipped W;- nples which will be dumped re; :ait>on dioxide will be baked ir, < al the mission: RESTLESS IN SEATTLE Mass protests spotlight dissenting opinions on free trade, serve as moral check on WTO K 'X CALEB mcdaniel ralli say you’re son]’, he streets of Seattle are crowd ed this week, but not with throngs of holi- lay shoppers. Angry protest ers and police officers have clogged the downtown area. Photo images have been stark "id startling: police in riot gear, ouds of tear gas, handcuffed monstrators and armored ve- cles. It has been a blessedly ng time since headlines con- ined news about rubber bullets id anarchists. But perhaps more shocking an the activity in the streets is e object of all the angst. Thousands of protesters have Mome to fight free trade by dis- Mipting and delaying the highly publicized meeting of the World Irade Organization (WTO), an international body that estab lishes rules about trade. What? Never heard of the TO? Neither had most people )re., said, walkiiMntil this week. For that reason strators as ther taller groups, police: “Manyo; An apology i lone, the protesters in Seattle have done much good. They have arrested the odd’s attention and made it lonsider the potential dark side ed about WTO: [ of free trade, s protectingtheiB The demonstrators — a this week’s nK hodgepodge of environmental, istoric showdov; f labor and human-rights groups he forces of corf—have denounced the WTO for Toppling trade barriers at the ex pense of important interests. J Unfortunately, the national media has hurried to make these dissenting voices seem laugh able, or worse. | On Tuesday, for instance, air- aveswere filled with reports of ts been between oncerns about te ronment taking;:: ce brutality, e have been aifl s of thousands# ity’s core and£ storefront violent rioting in downtown Seattle, grossly misrepresenting the day’s events. Yesterday, after the dust had cleared, the picture became clearer as well. Although a handful of anar chists in the crowd did go on a rampage of vandalism and prop erty destruction, they were by far the exception, rather than the rule. The groups that had organized the protests have been quick to disassociate themselves from these unruly individuals. Workers are more important than capital. They should be treated that way. In fact, it turns out that chants of “shame, shame, shame,” origi nally broadcast as protests directed at the WTO, were in fact being shouted at those who departed from the demonstration’s non-vio lent intent. The truth is that the vast ma jority of protesters were peace fully making a point worth say ing — economic health is not worth sacrificing the welfare of human beings and the world they inhabit. Commerce, untem pered by conscience, would be a grave social sin. If it is not careful, the WTO’s credo could encourage unethical economics. When free trade is treated as an unqualified good, other goods — such as labor rights and environmental protec tions — often go unnoticed. For instance, the WTO has not given much attention to a coun try’s fair-labor laws when decid ing whether it should be opened to trade. But ensuring a country does not exploit its workers should be paramount. Otherwise, corpora tions will be encouraged to enter those nations in which they can abuse unprotected labor with substandard wages and unsafe conditions. All the Seattle crowds are asking is that the WTO give more attention to these vital hu man concerns. Workers are more important than capital. They should be treated that way. And if they are not, a country should be refused uninhibited trade until they are. WTO officials have attempted to dismiss these ideas as back ward and outdated. They say trade acts as a mira cle medicine for underdeveloped economies. Capital allowed to flow freely into a country would create jobs and markets with ERIC ANDRAOS/Tm: Battalion benefits that will ultimately trickle down to the lower class. The economics behind this ar gument are dubious. Even in the United States, which has one of the most open trade policies in the world, the richest continue to get richer while the poorest continue to get poorer. Besides, the question remains worth asking: Even if trade cre ates jobs, are the jobs worth cre ating? If trade encourages indus tries, are the industries worth encouraging? These are the issues the WTO should treat as primary. They have too often been neglected. The leaders of the WTO may try, as they already have, to chuckle at their opponents, cari caturing them as half-wits who cannot keep up with the march of globalization. But the true proponents of globalization are those who care about the globe. They want to ensure that dollars are not val ued over decency and that the benefits of a global economy are extended to all. It is obvious free trade puts money in the pocket of those who wear the silk suits. The question is whether it helps the sweatshop workers who make the silk suits. Therefore, the events in Seat tle should give the WTO pause. Perhaps for once in his disap pointment of a career, the lead ership of President Clinton should be heeded. “I believe the WTO must make sure that open trade does indeed lift living standards, respects core labor standards that are essential not only to worker rights, but to human rights,” Clinton said in a speech Wednesday. If more of the world’s leaders would join in that call, the streets of Seattle would be emp ty instead of the pockets of the underprivileged. If the protests have proved anything, they have proved free trade is not unanimously popu lar, and anything that can make 30,000 people upset enough to organize deserves to be exam ined. Tear gas will not make this go away. Caleb McDaniel is a junior history major. icrosoft deserves to be reprimanded (U-WIRE) NORMAN, Okla. he federal government’s anti-trust case against Microsoft has made a lot of news lately. Something at probably shouldn’t have surprised nie so much is that free-market capital ists have been criticizing the govern- , . fJ^nt’s action against Microsoft’s mo- inituie anoppuij! l| 0 p 0 jy as unwarran t ec j j heavy-handed st Parkway & Teteiriterference in industry. —— fl It’s funny that when the government livery Available Breaks up a monopoly to allow compe- Phone OrdersWtj|tion, that’s what laissez-faire capital ists call government “meddling,” but hen a single company prohibits free ompetition by controlling the market ith tyrannical and unethical tactics, bat’s called the “free” market. After all, they ask, is it Microsoft’s ult that it’s a monopoly? Should Bill YWOOD USA Admission Prices » S- ') Children (M i) nnd Seniws(65» MATINEE AH shows botore 6 p ^ ice opens daily at it» tales be punished because people like n FOR SHOWTIMES ■. . ^ - tr r- JEEEHZE!EP 6ls P roducts? wurday.nndnowonTHjHSDAv^j| jf thg monopoly weren’t Microsoft’s ^ fault, the situation would be different. joy stop jit’ s no t mere market share that makes a "iocsi«i3»ffionopoly illegal, it’s wielding the pow- woRiDisNOTEif ’er a monopoly affords. 10:30But it is Microsoft’s fault, for pre- —lisely that reason. Microsoft, with a 95 1 * 11204 ' "ercent share of the personal computer operating system market, refuses to li- ense its operating system to computer lanufacturers unless they bundle Win- hows with every PC they sell. This is only one of the points of the nti-trust case. It isn’t just detrimental to competi- jors; it hurts consumers too. If you buy a PC from any major omputer retailer, you are forced to buy license for Microsoft Windows at the same time. This “Microsoft tax” is hid den, but included in the price. Never )U ordered a -frind that you might already have a li- hnd and will p: : I tense ^ or Windows and just want to impus nextatf P8 ra J de Y our hardware. ). you can 1.1 h doesn I matter if you re planning , C .; to erase the hard drive and install a ' ' 0 ^^Jjpon-Microsoft operating system like f°i t ' ie Tlinux. You have no choice but to buy oi^year mailedm[j croso q> s product. )I5 Reed McD^H Free-market capitalists don’t see his as a problem. They tell us that if e’d just repeal all these silly anti-trust aws and bleeding-heart labor regula- ding or -2613 (credit ;i | j between 4:30 p.m, lt r augh Friday a# 6.50 mailing and ig fee. |ions, and get the government out of he business of governing business, hen the market would work it all out n our best interest. The problem with that line of rea soning is this: the lenient business and sh,Check,Visa,Ma& ; a bor laws for which they argue are ex cow andAmemW actly where we started from; that’s how accepted. we got to where we are. The regula tions we have today weren’t just drawn up at random. Our government had to enact anti trust laws in order to stop huge indus trial monopolies from clogging com merce by charging exorbitant and inflated prices. Your eight-hour work day, your safety regulations, your weekends — these exist not because the company you work for cares about your well-being, but because labor ac tivists and union women and men fought so that you could work under livable conditions. The idea of laissez-faire also implies that by deregulating business we are somehow staying out of the economy, forgetting that government is already waist-deep in any economy because state power is needed to enforce pri vate property. If we repeal the laws against busi nesses stealing labor from workers, can we also repeal the laws against workers stealing products from businesses? Many businesses fight workers and regulations at every turn, making pay cuts, “downsizing,” cheating our “free” market by colluding with com petitors to fix prices, even moving into other countries so they can pay their employees less than our mini mum wage. They are driven to these tactics be cause they want more money. Why, if we removed all the laws that keep companies from cheating and exploit ing people, would they suddenly grow a social conscience? Right now our ways of dealing with companies that break the law is inade quate, largely because the actual law breakers can hide behind corporations. A corporation is a legal fiction which absorbs responsibility and shields crim inals from prosecution. An example of this is the recent case in which General Motors (GM) discov ered a defect that caused certain cars to explode in flames when hit. GM decided not to release the infor mation when it was determined that it would be cheaper to settle court cases with the families of the hundreds of es timated victims than it would be to fix an item costing just a few dollars in millions of cars. If any of us decided to sacrifice a hu man life for a few thousand dollars, we’d be sent to prison, or worse. When a group of people, operating within a corporation like GM, does that exact thing a few hundred times, they get slapped with a fine that they pay with a company check. There is no accountability. Because corporations are legal enti ties created and enforced by the gov ernment, it is within our power to dis solve a corporation’s charter. Of course, Microsoft hasn’t actually killed anyone yet, but GM has. Many states have en acted harsh “three strikes” laws for re peat felons. Why should we be less vig ilant in ending crimes by corporations? Brian Crabtree is a columnist for The Oklahoma Daily at the University of Oklahoma. Cuban child suffers while adults argue F or four decades, Cubans in the United States fought to free their na tion from Fidel Castro. This conflict has seen many low points, in cluding the Mariel boatlift in 1980 and the shooting down of two aircraft rented by Cuban exiles which skirted Cuba’s airspace. The lowest point in this 40-year strug gle may have come this week when a boat carrying 10 Cuban refugees sank off the coast of Florida. Only three of the boat’s 10 passengers survived the accident. One of the survivors was a 5-year-old boy who clung to an inner tube for two days until he was picked up near Ft. Lauderdale, Fla. Elian Gonzalez not only suffered through this horrific situation, but he also lost his mother and stepfather when the boat sank. Elian is living with relatives in Miami, but his story has yet to be finished. Elian now is being used as a point of contention between the Cuban govern ment and the many U.S.-based anti-Cas tro groups. Gonzalez’s father lives in Cuba, and has appeared several times on CNN, cry ing about how he misses his son and wants him returned. . Upon the arrival of TV cameras, neigh bors appear to lead “spontaneous” demonstrations against the United States, carrying signs written in English. Cuba’s government claims the boy was kid napped by his mother and should be re turned to his father. Ninety miles away, a picture of Elian Gonzalez strapped to a gurney after be ing plucked from the Atlantic can be seen on flyers everywhere. The Cuban-American National Founda tion has created these flyers, which call Elian “another child victim of Fidel Castro.” This organization and others like it have made this little boy’s struggle political. This issue’s battle lines, like those of many others like it, have been drawn up too quickly. On one side are Castro and the Cuban government, who obviously want the boy back. Their motivation is not necessarily a humanitarian one allowing Elian to re main in the United States would be a po litical embarrassment. Cuban-American organizations know this is the case and therefore want Elian to stay in the United States. One of the most effective ways to draw attention to an issue is to show how it af fects children and Elian Gonzalez’s story of pain and suffering in an attempt to gain freedom can be used effectively against Castro. Caught between these two factions is Elian Gonzalez himself. What does he want? The major com batants in this issue claim to speak for him, but are they really? Apparently not, and that is the saddest part of this tragedy. Elian is being used as a pawn by two groups that could care less about his well-being. Castro wants the boy returned because the Elian’s situation is a stinging indict ment of his outlaw state. The Cuban-American organizations have shown themselves to be almost as callous by showing interest in the 5-year- old more as a statistic than as a person. The most basic issue is the one most neglected by both sides and the media — Elian’s future. From all indications, Elian wants to stay in the United States, and he should be allowed to do so. He also should be allowed to see his father, who apparently wants to be re united with his son. While the struggle to remove Fidel Castro from power is a chal lenge, the welfare of this child should come first. Elian Gonzalez is 5 years old and al ready has endured more than most peo ple could expect in a lifetime. It is unfair to use him as a bargaining chip in a fight he is not old enough to understand. Castro, Cuban-Americans and the U.S. government should at least attempt to reach some sort of com',in r; ise on the health and welfare of th child before they do anything else. Once that is done, these groups can go back to doing what they have for decades — acting like little children themselves. Mark Passwaters is a senior electrical engineering major.