Opinion lve direct -' ste m, saii c h tends | 0 nancing p,> K)ne y spetii er al and ? °ney p rov .: S9 perT es Person, die librarif; libraries (if, they need and refers offering a- ' literacy tn; e courses/ of major a; ter technr on supe.-;:; Friday, April 8, 1994 The Battalion Page 9 PRO CON Does gangsta rap go too far? ROB CLARK Guest columnist in ler sts broufirr lan-Doont i andle dying 1 rring nigh- i find outi ;d. ■rman mes: | a nasty o- E he Mane!I ■rman vas-1 ion. 11 be over | t bet onS.-l e of his n-1 bad agar | >er handf down fro' orities slit d asked Mi nted areao! prosecutft a change® rision base rather dut r, pastor Church it k again m- The reality in rap may not be real ity in College Station. But then again, the war-torn towns in Soma lia and Bosnia aren’t a local reality either, but people are concerned with those conflicts. Ignorance of problems due to proximity is still ignorance. Rappers are also the victims of a major double standard. Take the movie “Boyz ‘N’ the Hood” for ex ample. This critically acclaimed film harshly depicted life in the ghetto. Despite the movie’s violence, John Singleton was nominated for an Academy Award for best director. But when rappers talk about the same topics, people freak out. Why? Rap is simply the musical version of “Boyz ‘N’ the Hood.” Many rappers are accused of pro moting violence. But when you come from a world of violence, what else can you talk about? You can’t expect Ice Cube or Ice T’s mes sages to be thoughts of love and happiness — they are representing a world of frustration and anger. Rap may not be something we want to hear, but we need to listen to those voices. We cannot ignore “the message.” Perhaps the attention rap is getting will increase awareness and understanding of these prob lems. If we silence rap, we only si lence the voice of reality. Rob Clark is a junior journalism major A yelled obscenity, the sound of a gunshot and a scream. No, this isn’t a movie. This is America’s nightmare — rap music, 1994. And America is scared. Scared of the “Home Invasion” as Ice T so aptly put it. Rap music has invaded not only the Billboard charts, but the homes of most Americans. It’s a shock to the system. Many people aren’t used to hearing such violent songs. But rap has always ex pressed this ghetto anger. Chuck D. of Public Enemy has said that rap is “black America’s CNN.” Although gangsta rap is undeniably violent, it is simply a reflection of violence in the ghetto. Even in the early ‘80s, Grand master Flash and the Furious Five’s “The Message,” said: “It’s like a jun gle / Sometimes it,makes me won der how I keep from going under.” While this message has been in tensified in recent years, the theme remains the same. The frustrations of the street are transferred to song. The shocking revelations in rap compare even to Upton Sinclair’s book “The Jungle.” Sinclair used the book to expose the horrible condi tions of the meat-packing industry in the early 1 900s and led to the Pure Food Bill in 1 90 7. While it’s unlikely that rap will affect any leg islation, today’s rappers are follow ing Sinclair’s example by exposing and increasing awareness of a prob lem ignored by most of the popula tion. The shocking revelations in rap compare to Upton Sinclair’s “The Jungle.” Today’s rappers are fol lowing Sinclair’s example by exposing and increas ing awareness of a prob lem ignored by most the population. MELISSA MEGLIOLA Columnist M uch like Nazi literature is al lowed in the United States un der the constitutionally guar anteed freedom of speech, gangsta rap is a protected channel of expres sion. The aggressive images of black- on-black crime, explicit sexual refer ences and use of vile language are protected by the first amendment. Al though legal, gangsta rap lyrics are considered offensive by much of the American public and have caused many people to question the validity of the medium. Rappers become role models even though many of them stay in trouble with the law. The brutal violence and expletive language are used to increase sales rather than to enhance artistic impression. Supporters claim that the lyrics serve as a functional outlet for a seg ment of society that faces low em ployment, high crime and escalating violence. Opponents say they con tribute to the moral decline of society by romanticizing inner city problems. Others argue that the lyrics are merely a byproduct of carefully researched commercialism. Labeled the voice of inner city life, gangsta rappers claim that their lyrics are a realistic depiction of life in their neighborhoods. They say they rap about life as they see it. Undoubtedly, life in central Long Beach, California, home to many of LA County’s most g owerful gangs and the neighbor- ood where popular rapper Snoop Doggy Dogg grew up, was full of vio lence, anger and fear. “One of the reasons that we in the black community tended to ignore some of the harsh language in the lyrics was that it reflected the anger of young, black disenchanted folk,” says Nathan McCall, a reporter for the Washington Post. McCall beheves rap has evolved from a poetry of the streets to a powerfully negative influence on society. As a for mer teenage criminal who snot some one in order to emulate “The Godfa ther,” he knows about the strong influ ence of entertainment on youth. Rap pers become role models even though many of them stay in trouble with the law. The brutal violence, misogyny ref erences and expletive language in rap music are used to increase sales rather than to enhance artistic impression. Gimmicky references to sex and power are employed to shock mainstream record buyers, who (according to Newsweek) make up the greatest per centage of the rap audience. That marketing plan is working. Youth in both the projects and the suburbs love rap. Snoop Doggy Dogg sold 800,000 copies of his debut al bum, “Doggiestyle,” in the first week. Such success is more often attributed to a talented marketing staff rather than talented musicians and promotes continued and heightened use of vio lent and sexual language. Although gangsta rap certainly can not be blamed for the current state of our inner cities, and is within the boundaries of the law regarding ob scenities, it is a national embarrass ment to exploit the turmoil that plagues urban America. Melissa Megliola is a senior industrial engineering major iM CLBnAl WsSAKrt ^ GwmMcm viMAR'i Ui 1Uh Mf. MDh IU VlO MMU'e. ASTC* dUE:RUb\2,YL... Making sense of Whitewater mess Por the clueless, a listing of key political players W hat is Whitewater? And who really cares? I gather that not many people have a clue what it’s all about or why the press is fussing over it so much. I have a faint idea, thanks to spending hours reading through past issues of Newsweek and Time. Researching Whitewater is like reading a bad novel — I constandy had to go back to the be ginning to look up the characters’ names. To clarify it for all those interested, I shall list a cast of the performers in this twisted play along with a brief description of their roles. Here are the biggest characters in re cent news: MADISON GUARANTY SAVINGS & LOAN was the bank that the Clintons’ business part ner in Whitewater, James McDougal, owned. Madison’s failure cost taxpayers $47 milhon. It is under investig.ation, which will probably shed light on the alleged flow of money be tween it and Whitewater. ROSE LAW FIRM is the firm in which Hillary Clinton and many others involved in this mess were partners, including VINCE FOSTER JR., who was in charge of the Whitewater files before he killed himself. De spite a clear conflict of interest, the firm rep resented the FDIC in a suit against Frost & Co, the company that had audited Madison Guar anty. The suit was settled for $1 million, $59 million less than the FDIC had hoped to col lect. The parmer who represented the FDIC, WEBB HUBBELL, is now the “number three man” in the Justice Department under Janet Reno. Political favoritism? JAMES McDOUGAL and his wife were equal parmers in the Whitewater real estate venture with the Clintons. McDougal claims that the Clintons never invested more than $ 1 3,500 of their own money into the land deal. The Clintons currendy claim a loss of LYNN BOOMER Columnist $47,000. It also turns out that they may have helped Madison, his savings and loan, by keeping state and federal regulators at bay when it failed. McDougal hired Rose Law Firm at a $2,000-a-month advance against services to be performed, and then created a plan for preferred stock to raise money for Madison, his thrift. BEVERLY BASSETT was serving as Arkansas commissioner of securities at the time of Whitewater. She approved of Mc- Dougal’s stock plan in spite of a subordinate’s question of whether it was even legal in Arkansas to allow a thrift to sell preferred stock to the public. Her approval was out lined in a personal letter to Hillary. The stock sale never occurred. DAVID HALE is a former Little Rock mu nicipal court judge facing trial on charges of fraud and conspiracy. In exchange for le niency in his sentencing, Hale is offering testimony on Whitewater. Hale used to run a federally-backed finance company and charged that in 1986 Clinton personally asked him to loan $300,000 to a firm owned by McDougal’s wife. Of this money, $ 1 1 0,000 was funneled directly to White- water. Hale’s credibility is shaken a bit by the fact that he secretly owned 1 3 of the 5 7 companies to which he made loans. JAY STEPHENS was developing a case against DAN ROSTENKOWSKI, the chairman of the very powerful House Ways and Means Committee, when Clinton fired Stephens and the 92 other US. attorneys Bush appointed. Rostenkowski was accused of diverting tax payers’ money to personal and campaign funds. He is also Clinton’s pivotal ally in the fight for health-care reform. Stephens claims that Clinton fired all of the attorneys to get rid of him without drawing attention to it. Stephens is now heading a civil investigation of Madison for the Resolution Trust Corpora tion (RTC), a federal agency created to deal with the S & L crisis. GEORGE STEPHANOPOULOS is Clinton’s most trusted political adviser after Hillary. He and White House deputy chief of staff HAROLD ICKES purportedly made heated phone calls to JOSHUA STEINER and ROGER ALTMAN in an effort to get Stephens removed as investigator of Madi son. Steiner is Treasury Chief of Staff, and Altman was head of the RTC until recently disqualifying himself from dealing with matters related to Madison. Stephanopoulo$’ aides claim Stephens is a “right-wing zealot” out to get the President. The White House asserts that Stephanopoulos or Ickes’ (it is unclear which one made the state ments) words were misinterpreted as trying to get Stephens fired. None of this even starts to touch on Hillary’s dealings with some suspicious cattle futures or on the scores of more minor, yet relevant, characters in the drama. So I leave it to all of you to do your own research into this Whitewater affair. I started out thinking it was trivial, but pow I’m not so sure. Lynn Booher is a sophomore English and psychology major Editorials appearing in The Battal ion reflect the views of the editorial board and are not necessarily the opinions of other Battalion staff members, the A&M student body, regents/administration, faculty or staff. Columns, guest columns, car toons and letters express the opin ions of the authors. The Battalion encourages letters to the editor and will print as many as space allows. Letters must be 300 words or less and include the au-, thor's name, class, and phone num-; ber. and accuracy. Contact tne opinion editor for in formation on submitting guest columns. The Battalion - Mail Call 013 Reed McDonald Mail stop 1111 Texas A&M University College Station, TX 77843 Fax: #09) 845-2647 Faculty Friends ad unacademic, stupid I would like to contribute to the ongoing “Faculty Friends” debate which seems to take on more significance as hard core, fundamental Christianity leaps from the pages of The Battal ion at an increasing rate. Separation of church and state is a basic American tradition that has deep historical roots and a logical foundation. The effort by this group of pious professors to praise Jesus with ads in The Battalion each se mester is, in my view, a glaring violation of that tradition, because many of those listed oc cupy positions of academic authority at a state- supported instimtion. It is also, from my perspective, a truly dis gusting violation of global academic tradition in that this group of ‘faculty” is claiming one metaphysical truth to the exclusion of all oth ers. I am sure that these folks have good reason to proclaim their faith this way and, as indicat ed by L. Murphy Smith, this grotesque display of small minded parochialism — like similar pronouncements from the Ku Klux Klan — might be protected by the US. Constitution. These advertisements are not, however, aca demically correct, although they certainly might be politically correct in that individuals able to make or break promotions are among this select group. At any rate, I see the “Faculty Friends” as something allied to Bonfire and other archaic “traditions” of this institution — unacademic, anti-intellectual, and fundamen tally stupid. One is, of course, always seeking intellectu ally and spiritually satisfying answers to life’s most important questions. Why, for instance, are items like “Faculty Friends,” Bonfire, evil secretaries, etc. so much a part of everyday life at A&M? I feel that these bizarre local phenomena are probably attributable to the strong inbreeding tradition of Aggieland. As indicated by the re cent replacement for Dr. Koldus, TAMU has no problem violating an ancient academic taboo and regularly hiring faculty with academic ex perience that does not extend beyond this cam pus. Cultural inbreeding in an academic set ting, like its biological counterpart, tends to produce anomalies and perversions like reli gious pronouncements from an academic fac ulty. To test this notion, I started checking degree sources of those listed as “Faculty Friends” against the faculty listing in the most recent un dergraduate catalog. While other matters forced a diversion from this test of my hypothesis, I quickly discovered that quite a few of the “Fac ulty Friends” are not listed as TAMU faculty. Thus, if this group of believers is united by a common search for truth, I hereby suggest they would take a big step in that direction by changing their name. Hugh Wilson Professor of Biology Three cadets agree When we made Rush limbaugh’s show, we realized that this soap opera on the Quad had gone too far. After the last week of mudslinging in the media and around campus, we are aware that there are more than a few in Aggieland who consider at least one of us three to be a complete jerk. In retrospect, this is understand able. For our own individual reasons, we each felt that we were in the right, and rather than work it out in a mature manner, we allowed our personal disputes to become public knowl- edge, giving Texas A&M, the Corps and our selves a black eye in the process. After a lengthy discussion, we have talked out our differences and have come to respect each others’ points of view. Despite the appar ent severity of the situation, we can now laugh together at the foohshness of our actions. Each of us is in complete agreement with the follow ing: Will Haraway is definitely no public rela tions expert. He allowed his personal feelings about the Corps to cloud his better judgment when he signed the memo and interviewed with The Battahon. He, more than anyone on campus, realizes his mistakes. Ross McGlothlin, who is enjoying great popularity on the Quad these days, regrets al lowing his political position to jeopardize friendships within the Corps. Mark Rollins, who just can’t seem to let yell leader go, apologizes for involving himself in an election in which he wasn’t even running for office. We all realize the folly of saying damaging things about people when we didn’t mean them and consider this situation resolved. We are tired of seeing our names in the paper every day. Gig ‘em. Will Haraway Class of ‘94, Corps Commander Mark Rollins Class of ‘94, Head Yell Leader Ross McGlothlin Class of ‘94, Student Senate Evans library must improve regulations Approaching exams bring hoards of stu dents into unfamihar territory: the library. Un fortunately, many students fail to distinguish between story hour and the purpose of a uni versity facility. There are designated group study areas, but no part of the library is safe from noisy social gatherings. Complaints about the library are common. So are abuses by students and faculty, abuses that are encouraged by library policies. Current lax regulations limit the availability of materi als. The undergraduate loan limit of two weeks should be applied to all users, without excep tions, and renewals ended. The current faculty loan limit of four months is outrageous. Any faculty member who would defend this privi lege can’t expect students to read more than one book per semester. Recall is uncertain and unsatisfactory and could be eliminated with stricter loan limits. “Books three months overdue may block you from future library privileges. You will be billed for books that are six months overdue.” These threats are too lenient and, evidently, no deterrent. Journal articles neady excised with razor blades, entire issues removed from bound volumes, and books unaccountably missing, are common. These abuses condemn others to endless searches of the copy rooms, waits for interlibrary loans and visits to bookstores. Evans doesn’t have to be an Aggie joke. Meanwhile keep it down. Mary Catherine Wilheit Graduate student