Cinco de Mayo
CommcMi iiti’y
Page 2B
Battalion Special Section
Friday, May 4,1|
Fric
Film trends focusing on Mexican-Americans (
I was recently asked, as a
representative of the Committee for the
Awareness of Mexican-American
Culture, to write up a review on a
contemporary Chicano film (e.g.,
“Milagro Beanfield War” or “Stand and
Deliver”), and initially, I felt this to be
simply a matter of expressing my
thoughts on the current trend of films
focusing on Mexican-Americans. What
evolved in the process, however, was an
accumulation of antipathy towards
current criticisms of Chicano film.
I happened to be merely reviewing
critics perceptions of films such as
“Milagro Beanfield War,” when I
discovered a surprising plethora of
negative reaction (I’m not implying that
“Milagro” is a superlative film, by any
means; I myself have some problems
with its overall rhythm.) The fact was
that critics were not condemning
“Milagro” for its cinematic akwardness
as much as they were expressing their
own tendencies of xenophobia.
One particular critic labeled
“Milagro” a populist enterprise with
deified protagonists-the landowners. Is
this preachiness? It would be had the
film not been based on
historical/political truths. The fact is,
though, that all these critics who have
been quick to label these Chicano films
as sanctimonious have been just as quick
to ignore the history of the people of
New Mexico. For behind the rich
characters of the film, behind the
beautiful land we see as so pleasantly
endeared by the Mexicans, lies a
dialectical work examining all the
wrongs inflicted upon the Mexicans of
Robert
Villarreal
Guest Columnist
the United States since the signing of
the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo in
1848.
This film is based upon the fight of
Chicano activists in the 1960’s
concerning a national park which was
rightfully the property of the Mexicans.
A Chicano named Reyes Tijerina had
proven this through the acquisition of a
land title signed by the Spanish
government, but the United States
decreed a statute of limitations on the
issue and forced Tijerina’s hand. So he
set about to the national park along with
several of his companeros and abducted
two forest rangers. His ransom for the
rangers was the legal acknowledgment
by the state of New Mexico that, indeed,
this park was the rightful property of
the Mexicans. Tijerina was eventually
arrested and this spawned a series of
ghostlike attacks upon the
establishment, all of which is
humorously presented in both the novel
and screenplay of “Milagro.”
Nevertheless, critics refuse to read
into the history of oppression aimed at
the Mexicans living in the United States
since 1848. This is reflected in their
moderno se Enfoca los Mexico-Ameria
Hace poco me pidieron, como
unrepresentanste de CAM £C
' Cor the Awareness of ..
Mefck&n-American Culture)* que
escribiera una resefta sobre el due
chicano conte|ttparaneo (For eiemplo
“Milagro Beanfield War” o “Stand
and Deliver”) y, al principio, crei que
; se-trataba dmplemente de expresar
mis opiniones sobre la tendencia
actual: de las pehculas que tratan de
los mexicoamerkanos. Lo que surgid
en el proceso, sin embargo, fue una
acumulacidn de antipada hacia la
crftica actual del cine chicano.
! • Sucedid que yo estaba leyendo
opiniones de crfticos sobre peKculas :
“Milagro Beanfield War,"
cuando descrubrf un mimero
sorprendente elevado de reacckmes
negativas (no quiero decir que
^Milagro” sea; dpiillth extraordinario,
Hl^iueho ftienos; yo hiismo tengo iSW
algunas desavenenctas con el rittno
en suconjunta). La verdad es que los
crfticos no odndenan “Milagro** por
sus faftas cinematogrdficas sino que
mexkranos — y protagonistas
exagerados — los terratenientes.
verdad es, no obstante, que todos
estos crfticos que eon toda velocidad
han calificado estas m''\ *
igualmente a ignorar la historia de las
B ates de Nuevo Mexico. Pues por
tr^s de los complejos personajes de,
la pellcula, detris de la tierra preciosa
que vemos tan carihosamente
adorada por los mexicanos, yace una
labor dielCctica que examina todas las
injusticias perpetuadas contra los
mexicanos de los Estados Unidos
desde la firtna del tratado de
Guadalupe Hidalgo en 1848
de activistas chicanes en la d£cada de
-m.'
Un critico en particular calificd
“Milagro” de empresa populista con
protagonistas divinizados — los
nacional que era pro derecho
propiedad de los mexicanos. Un
chicano Uamado Tijerina lo habia
probado metliante la obtencidn de un
Utulo de propiedad firmado pro el
gobierno espaftol, pero los Estados
Unidos decretaron un estatuto de
limitaciones respecto al asumo y
obligaron a Tijerina a ceder. Por lo
que el se encamind al parque i
junto con varios de sus com|
secuestrd a dos de los guai
Su rescate por los quardas ml
admisidn por parte del eatatkn
N uevo Mexico de que, efectiva
el parque era por derecho prq
de los mexicanos. Tijerina fue
arrestado y esto provocd una I
ataques fantasmas al establedi
todo lo cual es presentadoconl
tanto en la novela como en el j
de “Milagro.”
No obstante, los critieos i _
ver la historia de la opres&Bdef#
han sido objeto los mexican^Nj
viven en los Estados Unidos*
1848. Esto se refieja en «u»<
los dt^logos en espaftol, de Hi
mexicana y de las carkatur»M
angles. Ck>n todo, “Milagro" esun
ejemplo de una vtduntad dedbafe
el etnocemrismo de nuestrq iemaif
esta disposicidn se ve reprcsptaaao
otras pehculas como “ZocB&ife ,, (Lii8
Valdez) y “Stand and Deliver*.!^
pehculas chicanas no se proponen
crear imigenes del odio
sblo les concierne la bdsquemd
jusucia social.
Robert Villareal is a junior
philosophy major.
lory
the i
criticisms of the Spanish dialogues, the
Mexican culture and Anglo caricatures.
Still, “Milagro” is a reflection of a
willingness to defy the ethnocentricity
of our times, and this is a willingness
portrayed in films such as “Zoot Suit”
(Luis Valdez) and “Stand and Deliver.”
Chicano films are not aimed at forming
images of Anglo hate; they are mere
concerned with seeking socialjuste
Robert Villareal is a junior
philosophy major.
W
‘Melting Plot’ conceals inequalities
In Spike Lee’s 1989 controversial film
“Do the Right Thing,” the domino
effect of racial injustice and social
inequities leads to racial violence in the
streets and, consequently, a society is left
sunk in a mire of moral ambiguity. In
return for his realistic and courageous
sketch of racial pathos in the U.S., Lee
was awarded with a big blank nothing
from the Academy Awards.
Meanwhile, “Driving Miss Daisy,” a
coffeetable approach to racism, walked
away with best picture.
What does this tell us about the
sentiment of multiculturalism in the
United States today? It tells us that the
racial epidemic has been far from
quarantined.
“Do The Right Thing” challenged
our society through a revolutionary
standpoint, by implying that
institutional surgery is a necessary
procedure in dealing with the cancer of
racism. “Driving Miss Daisy” dealt with
racism from a more benign perspective
— have a black man drive you around
for 30 years and then learn the errors of
your racial ways.
The juxtaposition of these two films
reveals to us the nature of today’s
political language.
Why do we need affirmative action?
Why do we need more money for our
impoverished school districts? Why do
these minorities continue to segregate
themselves? What American Indian?
Let’s just all accept each other and
dispose of all these racial and ethnic
labels and concentrate on the human
race.
The Battalion
(USPS 045 360)
Member of
Texas Press Association
Southwest Journalism Conference
The Cinco de Mayo Staff
Editor
Selina Gonzalez
Assistant Editor
Suzanne Calderon
Reporters
Frances Alonzo, Sean Frerking,
Letty Rodriguez,
Vivian Rojas, Yvonne Salce,
Angela Trevino, Chris Vaughn
Photographer
Penny DeLosSantos
Columnists
Mike Avila, Julia Jones, Robert Vil
larreal
Translator
Christina de Leon
Staff
Rosalinda Adame, Bryan McFad-
den, Diane Partida, Tami Tolbert
Policy
The Cinco de Mayo special section is
created to celebrate and inform others
about Hispanic heritage and is a project of
Texas A&M’s Hispanic Journalists Asso
ciation.
Opinions expressed in the section are
those of the author, and do not necessarily
represent the opinions of The Battalion,
Texas A&M administrators, faculty or the
Board of Regents.
This is the language of today when it
comes to the racial dilemma, and this
multiculturalism is, ostensibly, just
another form of the Melting Plot.
The Melting Plot began when the
U.S. government first had to deal with
the arrival of ethnic immigrants upon its
shores. Immigrant group after
immigrant group soon became exposed
to the idea of melting into the mold of
the American value system and, thus,
the Melting Plot was well on its way to
being institutionalized.
The real truth of the Melting Plot is
greed; the very same greed which
justified the belief that the American
Indian should melt beyond recognition,
that the African-American should melt
in the cotton fields, and that the
Chicano should melt in the mines and
ranches. Today, these groups are still
melting, in the inner-city ghettos, on the
reservations, and in the barrios.
So every Fourth of July, we celebrate
the success of the Melting Plot and pay
tribute to the Statue of Liberty, which
holds up that beacon of light for all
newcomers to see. Only, the Blacks
never saw the Statue of Liberty —
merely chains, and the American-
Indian and Chicanos saw only wars
waged under the banner of Manifest
Destiny.
Therein lies the beauty of the Melting
Plot. It conceals its own devices by
proposing that all peoples of this land
are given the same dream and
opportunity. If you fail, it’s your fault,
no one else’s. Blaming the victim thus
becomes the substitute for blaming the
Melting Plot.
But remember that the barrio, the
ghetto, the reservation, are, in essence,
American values since it was American
ideology that shaped them.
Our society has survived because it
has adopted the policy of addressing
changing problems. We must continue
to pursue this adaptation by not failing
to ignore the problems of the
disadvantaged. We must seek to create
political, educational, medical, and
economical equity, but institutional
change is a contingent part of this
remedy. And that, Miss Daisy, is what
doing the right thing is all about.
Robert Villareal is a junior
philosophy major.
pone
laid,
Minority groups must unit«
andi
Throughout this year, you have
been exposed to opinions on a variety
of racial issues. Accusations were
made by opposing viewpoints,
arguing that certain action be taken.
Yet both sides became too involved
in pointing out each other’s faults.
Never was it mentioned that
concessions must be made by both
sides in order to reach a solution.
There is too much of a reliance on
the perceived ethnic “brotherhood.”
Minority organizations allege that
they are working against each other,
and instead should work together.
They see this as discouraging and
disappointing. But why SHOULD
these organizations work together?
People will be attracted to the most
effective leadership, not simply
because they are all minorities. I see
nothing wrong with this competition
or conflict.
Minorities make too many
decisions based solely on race. Texas
A&M has recently created a variety of
positions dealing with diversity and
multiculturalism. It is not imperative
that the person holding the position
be a minority. Also, minority groups
tend to vote in blocks when a
minority is running for public office,
claiming ‘it is time’ that a minority get
elected. If this continues, minorities
will never gain any credibility.
Minorities cannot make certain
demands, while continuing to do
exactly what their opposing.
Perhaps the most difficult thing I
have had to deal with in working with
minority student organizations is the
overemphasis on racism. Granted it is
serious enough to warrant close
arat
5chr
examination, it seems unnecessary to
create paranoia. Awareness is a good
defense. But harping on it over and
over only creates cynicism. I try to
find every other possible explanatior
for someones actions before I label
them as racist.
This overemphasis also tends to
make minorities overly sensitive.lt
makes it extremely difficult to get ,
people to sit at a table to discuss raciai
issues when emotion overwhelms
reason. Instead, minorites should
take an educational standpoint,
seizing every opportunity to inform
and educate.
In conclusion, both sides should
not wait for the other side to comett
them. Both should come to the
bargaining table. This semester,
student leaders have been
mentioning diversity and
multiculturalism as concerns of
theirs. Whether this was politically
motivated or not remains to be seen
But this should not prevent
minorities from approaching them
Minorities should take them upon
their offers, and then it will be seenii
their rhetoric was sincere or merelv
lip-service.
Mike Avila is a junior economics
J
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major.
Hispanics under-represented on television
tog,
tiom
Uni,
Hispanics are at a disadvantage in
broadcast media.
There are few Hispanics in media
jobs compared to their size in the
population, and there is little
programming for Hispanics.
For example, Hispanics represent
only about two percent of the reporters
on national newscasts and all of the
anchors are Anglo males.
Although national representation for
Hispanics is low, Houston newscasts are
an exception. Houston stations actually
have a higher percentage of minorities
on television than their percentage in
the city population.
While Hispanics represent only 17
percent of Houston’s population, about
half of the news anchors and ten
percent of the reporters on Houston
television stations are Hispanics. Higher
minority percentages on Houston
broadcasts are likely due to the higher
concentrations of minorities in the city.
The higher percentages of Hispanics
on local newscasts also show the
willingness of local broadcasters to hire
minorities.
Houston is also one of few cities that
has three television stations that
broadcast in Spanish, affiliates of
Univision, Telemundo and Galavision,
the major Spanish-language networks.
The unusually high number of Spanish-
language stations gives Hispanics an
added advantage in finding media jobs.
Although other local stations provide
some programming for Hispanics, it is
limited. Hispanics are likely to find it
easier to get a job at a Spanish-language
station.
The audience for these Hispanic
stations is large.According to a Feb. 26
article in the Houston Chronicle, the
audience includes a constant stream of
immigrants wanting to learn about this
country’s products and programs, and
those who want to maintain their
tradition and culture.
A small portion of viewers, including
some Anglos, are those trying to
improve or maintain their ability to
speak Spanish.
Tim Crosby, general manager of
Channel 49 KTFH-TV in Houston, the
Galavision affiliate, believes Hispanics
are under-represented in some areas
because people don’t realize how large
the population is.
Crosby says that after the 1990
Census results come out, people will be
surprised, and minorities will have a lot
more influence. By the turn of the
century, Crosby expects Hispanics to be
the largest minority population in the
United States.
Education is another factor.
Minorities may be excluded from jobs
because they don’t have the education to
compete, Crosby said.
He feels that the demand for
Di
Hispanics will help them. The Feder* | )er(
Communications Commission requirt Tex;
stations to hire minorities, and Crost than
says that Hispanics have less
competition when a station needs to
meet its minority quota.
Demand is regional. In areas with a&]\
large Hispanic populations, such as His]
California and Texas, Hispanics arf( and
greater demand because broadcasted “F
feel that they will appeal to viewers. ^ ate
w:
of G
L;
the i
In national programming, howeve ^ (
news, entertainment and advertising t h at
still tend to promote the Anglo imagr low.
Spanish-language broadcasting^
United States is growing as recogn® d e nt
of the size and importance of the este<
Hispanic market increases, but tfle ! (
Hispanics still have better employnif tkip
opportunities in local broadcast
markets, such as Houston.
Changes are coming slowly for
Hispanics in the media, but it’sa whu
nuevo mundo out there.
Julia Jones is a senior journalism
major.