Page 2/The Battalion/Wednesday, May 18, 1983
47
opinion
Presidential signals stronger
by Donald A. Davis
United Press International
WASHINGTON — For a man who
won’t say whether he will seek re-
election, President Reagan is running a
pretty good campaign.
The president maintains in public that
he cannot reveal his decision about a
second term at this time because it would
risk making him ineffective either as a
lame duck or a man putting what might
be perceived as a political spin on his
decisions.
Even so, his top aides are not taking
any chance that the arena will not be
ready if he chooses to seek another four
years in the White House. The past few
weeks have been Filled with examples of
how a noncampaign can be orchestrated.
In a brief Houston trip, Reagan sing
led out a possible Democratic foe — for
mer Vice President Walter Mondale —
for some verbal shots. He criticized re
marks by “former Vice President
Malaise” and said he got a valentine that
he thought came from Mondale because
it had a “bleeding heart.” It was the first
time Reagan had openly spoken against
any contender.
Back in Washington, he stumbled on
some answers in an interview with repor
ters and the Washington Post reported
the performance was confused and
rambling. That drew quick angry retorts
from White House aides sensitive that
such stories portrayed the president as
being less than lucid. Such a description
could be lethal to anyone seeking office,
and particularly to someone of Reagan’s
age.
On Thursday, Reagan flew west on
what amounted to a campaign swing
through three states.
When he got off of Air Force One in
San Antonio, the president veered sharp
ly from the normal arrival procedure
where he waves to a clutch of television
cameras, gets immediately into his
limousine and rushes off to whatever
appearance is scheduled.
This time, a U.S. Air Force brass band
was waiting in welcome, breaking into
“Hail to the Chief’ as he walked down a
corridor formed by beretwearing mem
bers of an honor guard. Moments later,
he was working a crowd of several hun
dred Air Force dependents, shaking
hands and kissing at least two babies
while cameras clicked away.
An aide said that it was felt in White
House councils that appropriate advan
tage had not been taken of the normal
honors due a president — particularly
when such things as flags and cheering
crowds create excellent television
footage.
In a downtown plaza a short time after
the dramatic arrival, Reagan courted the
Hispanic vote by making a speech to
mark the Cinco de Mayo holiday and by
having his photo taken eating Mexican
food.
Next came Phoenix, and Reagan
speaking out against gun control — one
of his favorite topics — before the Na
tional Rifle Association. He was inter
rupted more than 30 times by applause as
he deftly gave the audience a hard line on
why guns are good.
In nearby Sun City, a posh retirement
community, Reagan made a pitch for the
support of the elderly, talking about So
cial Security and his own age of 72.
On Saturday, from California, the
president dedicated his fiveminute radio
show to American motherhood with an
address on “Mother’s Day.”
Finally, a speech in Ashland, Ohio,
was a recital of Reagan’s conservative be
liefs — everything from the dangers of
big government to the “failure” of such
“social spending schemes” as food
stamps.
The president smoothly touched base
with conservatives who might be worried
that he is too willing to make a deal with
liberals to get his legislative programs
passed. Aides portrayed it as “vintage
Reagan”
Within the White House, Reagan may
be getting conflicting advice, but chief of
staff James Baker said recently that “all
of us who work with him on a day-to-day
basis are firmly convinced that he will
run.”
“We don’t think there’s a lot of doubt
there and we’re sending those kind of
signals,” said Baker.
The signals are getting stronger every
week.
Time to look at campaign financing
by Clay F. Richards
United Press International
WASHINGTON — More than $1 bil
lion was spent on American elections in
1980, about twice what they cost in 1976.
Herbert Alexander, head of the
Citizens Research Foundation, which
makes the definitive study of campaign
finance costs every four years, estimates
the 1982 elections, even without the pres
ident on the ballot, probably cost $1 bil
lion.
But he says that sum is not a big ex
pense to elect public officials from dog
catcher to president.
It is roughly the same amount of
money as the legal fees and related costs
of the recent IBM and AT&T antitrust
suits; the same as the combined annual
advertising budgets of Proctor & Gamble
and Sears, Roebuck & Co., and less the
estimated bets made on the Super Bowl.
What is of greater concern is where
the money comes from.
Uncle Sam is biggest contributor to
political campaigns. In 1980, the govern
ment spent about $100 million in match
ing funds for presidential primary candi
dates, financing the Democratic and Re
publican national conventions and all the
expenses of the presidential candidates
in the general election.
One would think that political parties
would be the next biggest contributors,
and up until 1980, that was the case. But
for the first time in 1980, political action
committees spent more than the parties.
PACs spent a total of $95 million,
while state, local and national political
parties combined spent $89 million.
Groups like Common Cause have de
clared PAC money evil and issue fre
quent reports tying contributions by
these special interest groups to the voting
records of the members of Congress who
get the money.
But the evil is not necessarily PAC
money. The evil is that we spent more
money gambling on a football game than
electing public officials; that political par
ties do not spend more money on elec
tions.
Part of the problem is the election
reform laws enacted in the wake of
Watergate. In 1974, Congress was con
cerned about millionaires who were seen
as buying influence with staggering indi
vidual contributions.
PACs were just getting started 10
years ago. So Congress said special in
terests could contribute up to $5,000
each to a campaign while an individual
could give only $1,000.
It’s time for Congress to re-examine
those limits, along with the restrictions on
what can be given to and given by politic
al parties. The cost of political advertis
ing and travel — the two main expenses
of any campaign — have risen drastically
since 1974 and the old contribution limits
are no longer realistic.
As Alexander says:
“A better method of off-setting the
development of PACs without unduly re
stricting their growth or limiting their
contributions would be to increase the
$1,000 individual contribution limit to
$5,000 and repeal the $25,000 overall
contribution limit for individuals” to all
campaigns in an election year.
“This approach not only would com
pensate for the damaging effect of infla
tion on the ability of individuals to parti
cipate financially in political campaigns;
it also would begin to counterbalance
PAC contributions and reduce financial
pressures on candidates by providing
them alternatives to PAC donations.
“At the same time it would respect the
right of interest groups to organize and
to seek to influence the political process.”
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Hop fu ooR& cveanep up.
Ex-quarterback calls
soccer ‘socialist’ game
by Steve Gerstel
United Press International
WASHINGTON — Jack Kemp, the
aging jock, knew in a split second he had
pulled a real bonehead play.
Kemp, a 13-year pro quarterback and
once American Football League player of
the year, is now a congressman from up
state New York and a darling of the right-
wing.
So it was proper — both as a congress
man and a former football star — that
Kemp should participate in the debate on
a resolution urging that the next World
Cup soccer championships be awarded
the United States.
young out there, who some day hi™ js u
play real football, where you throwi;| reS p ()
kick it and run with it and put itimB
hands, a distinction should be made®
football is democratic, capitalisms I , J
as soccer is a European socialist. K) ast
It was at this moment —just ash j ecis j or]
about declared all those kids all ovt Mi t y we
country un-American — that Kemp nedical
ized he should have stayed in theli egents’
room. ilMcDc
“I do not think I want to leaveth ^pdty j
the record,” Kemp said, indicatiiw P r(
would revise his remarks in the Con?
teac
lave a p
sional Record, a privilege granted
bers of the House and Senate.
Kemp would have been better off
watching some old Buffalo Bills game
films.
He began his remarks by conceding he
was speaking with “tongue In cheek,” but
wound up with foot in mouth.
Never known for his humor, Kemp
tried to make the distinction between
North American football and the British
association football (futbol, in Spanish),
which is called soccer in the United
States.
“Football is football, soccer is soccer,”
Kemp declared. “Soccer does not have a
quarterback, only football has a quarter
back.”
So what. Football doesn’t have a goalie.
He then went on to say that the “Super
Bowl is becoming in the world equal to
the World Cup, and some of us think it
will surpass it.”
The truth is that interest in the Super
Bowl is limited to the United States,
Canada, Japan and some expatriates in
other countries. The World Cup, which
comes only every four years, has teams
from European, African, Latin Amer
ican and Asian countries. And it draws
worldwide attention.
Unwilling to quit, Kemp expressed
concern that the resolution, which uses
the word football rather than soccer or
futboll, might confuse “all of those” boys
and girls.
Then, Kemp really waded in.
“I think it is important for all those
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To his credit, Kemp let thecomml
stand. Perhaps, he feared an instamj
play.
Although Kemp was ready todropLj nmis
subject, Rep. Gerry Studds, D-Mass.,micD<
not.
He confessed “confusion,” ha'j
stumbled into the debate while Kerapi
speaking and wanted to knowifthiil
the same World Cup championshipil
mer Secretary of State Henry Kissinl
an ardent fan, was seeking for theUitf
States.
Assured both Kissinger and fon
Secretary of State Cyrus Vance *
pushing the proposal, Studds feij? The
astonishment that these two would 'exas
trying “to bring a socialist game to inual
United States.” Mricia
lucati
Rep. Trent Lott, R-Miss., whoaf‘ ew - w;
rently was not listening, in his spO I °
attributed the “socialist”
Studds.
Not so, Studds said.
i. udent
reraari tandin
ir
warde
“Not only was that not my charaff r et q
ization, I was expressing my abject(i point a 1
lief that the gentleman from New in secoi
had defined f ootball as, what did ht': Out«
‘democratic capitalism,’ and s dpienu
which is, of course, an older sport ai
which we stole the European word
ball as ‘socialism.’
“I found that a challenging intelk l j v i ronm
concept and that is why I was ref Houstc
back to it again,” Studds said.
It was not Kemp’s finest outing tccoun
Cksbur
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