i .t y < 4 » « »,.» i t i < * !. 1 < M.. : I The Battalion Viewpoint September 25, Slouch By Jim Earle ‘Do you want a haircut or a bid?’ Reagan’s opposition begins to find its voice By DAVID S. BRODER WASHINGTON — It is plain now that the opposition to President Reagan and his program is beginning to find its voice. The 260,000 people who assembled on the Mall last Saturday at the call of the AFL-CIO and some 200 other organizations to protest the Reagan economic policies was the largest such demonstration since Vietnam war days. This weekend, the Democratic Party will hold its first major training session for the 1982 campaign in Des Moines and, on Oct. 1, it will parade a number of mayors before the microphones at a dinner here to de scribe the damage they say will be done by the Reagan budget cuts that go into effect that day. Meantime, House Democrats have re called that the committees they control are allowed to conduct investigations, and Tip O’Neill has launched a number of them into regional hearings focused on the effects of high interest rates and scarce federal dol lars. As a result of all this, the Republicans are getting shaky about their support of the new round of budget cuts. And Washing ton, a city whose inbred discussions pro duce violent swings of opinion, has — in its typical fashion — gone from thinking that Reagan is king of the world to thinking he is a political fall guy. What everyone needs to do is step back one pace and take a deep breath. Other wise, we are about to jitter ourselves into serious trouble. We have been down this road before — exactly twelve years ago. Then, the Repub lican President with nine months in office was Richard Nixon, and the issue that brought thousands to the streets was Vietnam. The troubles in today’s economy are, thank goodness, a lot less ugly a mess than Vietneam was twelve years ago. But there are certain similarities in the situation. The basic problem in both instances is one the Republican administration inherited from its Democratic predecessor. “Curing” the problem is the basic mandate each Republi can President received from the voters. In both instances, the Republican Presi dent put in place by the fall of his first year a long-term strategy for extricating the coun try from its bind. And in both instances, the opposition has gone to the streets with the claim that the program is not really as advertised in the previous campaign and, Warped Put a pool and TV in every cell By DICK WEST United Press International WASHINGTON — A concerned citizen identifying herself as “Mildred the Mug ger” informs me that a western motel chain has opened a new computerized reserva tions center in an Arizona prison for women. According to published accounts she en closed, the service is being operated by 30 inmates paid by the company to train as reservations agents. Although the program was said to pro vide excellent postpenitentiary job oppor tunities, Mildred seems to feel it also offered another type of opportunity for any inmate who might be unrepentant. Such information as credit card numbers and names, addresses and travel dates of people about to be away from home could be of great value to burglars, she pointed out. Maybe so, but I can foresee the program branching out in legitimate ways whose be nefits would far outweigh any negative potential it might have. By coincidence, Mildred’s letter arrived shortly before the Senate voted this week to confirm Sandra O’Connor, herself a former Arizona judge, as the first woman member of the U.S. Supreme Court. Also by coincidence, the letter touched indirectly on one of the legal programs ab out which Mrs. O’Connor was questioned during her confirmation hearings — name ly, overcrowded conditions in prisons. Prison populations throughout the coun try have grown so much faster than penal facilities, there is talk of reopening some old military bases and using them as detention points. The root cause of the problem is easy to isolate and identify. Simply stated, it boils down to this: overbooking. Judges like Mrs. O’Connor are sending more people up the river than available accommodations can accommodate. Just as motels occasionally are swamped by conventioneers, prisons are being swamped by conviced felons. Some sort of efficient reservations system is needeJi and badly. Here is where the skills of prison® trained as motel reservations agentsc be used to good advantage. Before a judge hands down a senta he should call the prison reservations® and determine what or whether spu available. I mean, what happens if two lawbrtii arrive at a given prison simultaneous!) only one cell berth is empty? Sonii obviously is going to be turned away If one of them has confirmed rest: tions, the choice will be easy to mat; Now arises the question of whatt with the prospective inmate whok have a reservation. Possible answer: The cell clerk {ft the phone and calls around to reacSt military bases in the area to see whs they have any vacancies. If not, alternative may be to send the prisoner motel. I even if it is, it is not producing results as fast as they are needed. There was plenty to criticize in Nixon’s Vietnamization, and there is plenty to doubt about Reaganomics. But it seems to me that any fair-minded appraisal has to conclude that there is greater political ligiti- macy to Reagan’s current effort than there was to Vietnamization, and therefore a more compelling case for caution in conde mning it. While lives are being hurt by the Reagan economies, the human damage cannot be compared to that which resulted from Nix on’s decision to attempt a gradual pullout, which prolonged the agony of the Vietnam War. The Reagan plan — to a much greater extent than Nixon’s — was suggested in fairly explicit terms by the President’s cam paign statements. True, he dodged the painful truth about reductions in entitle ment programs and the shift of responsibili- tues to state and local governments. But anyone who did not understand that Reagan was proposing a major trade-off — lower taxes for fewer federal government services — was not listening. But the most significant difference is that Reagan’s plan has been given explicit approval by Congress, while Nixon’s repre sented purely executive-branch decision making. Moreover, it was given approval by Con gress as a long-term policy, not a quick-fix expedient. As readers of this column know, there have been grave doubts expressed here ab out the pace the scale of the reduction in federal responsibilities and the manner in which programs have been handed off to states and cities, or just abandoned. I have been even more skeptical about the size of the tax cuts, and the promise of future tax indexation is one I thought no prudent Con gress should make three years in advance. But this policy was approved by majori ties less than two months age. It has not yet been put in place. To consider scrubbing it now — or replacing it with an invisible alternative — strikes me, not as a sensible political judgment, but as a reaction of pure panic. There will be time — and need — for mid-course corrections. But to attempt them in the waning days of a congressional session, rather than in the 1982 considera tion of the Reagan budget, entails even greater risks than the gamble implicit in Reaganomics. The White House ‘working herd’ By DONALD A. DAVIS United Press Internationa] WASHINGTON — To a reporter new on the beat, covering the White House is like trying to report what’s happening in a fish bowl. If the fish don’t want to talk, getting information about what is really going on is difficult. Meanwhile, the fish smile and the people watching don’t realize how far away they are. From a distance, seeing the White House press corps at work conjures up vi sions of instant access to the top brains in the land, meaningful conversation with the men and women who run the government, and pearls of wisdom from the president. Don t bet on it. The reality sets in quickly for a new cor respondent. It means being herded around at a gallop to get to a spot and wait (amid shouts of “down in front ”) for the president to walk past; standing in the rain to inter view a senator who won’t venture to shelter because the television cameras are set up in the open; and being bombarded with brief ings and news conferences every day on subjects that can range from inflation to religion to geography. It does not mean being able to walk up and ask President Reagan what’s going on. That sort of thing is discouraged. The president cannot be matched in his delivery of prepared material, but off-the- cuff comments are different. He muffed a pair of questions called out by reporters last week during brief “photo opportunities” at the White House, but the answers were obviously so wrong they could not possibly be used. He confused 1981 with 1982 on one fiscal question and jumped the federal deficit by $200 billion in the other. Because there always exists a chance that question could hamstring a president. aides keep a distance between Reagan and the reporters — known as the “word herd. But photography is different. Reagan still has his Hollywood charisma — a president from central casting — and cameras abound when he steps out of doors with frequent “photo ops” inside the White House. The president smiles for the lensmen and tosses one-liners to the writers. Great picture. Lousy story. Still, there is surprisingly good coopera tion from the White House press office and the people who work there are genuinely helpful. The principal contact is Larry Speakes, the deputy press secretary, who is a slow talker with a quick mind. He’s candid without being careless; protective without being surly. Another big surprise for a reporter! level of helpfulness from one’s Correspondents, perhaps drawn togi by a siege mentality, assist each oik While the competitive drive is extraoit ary, the handful of regulars who covet White House each day are not hindering the work of another join and the level of professional respectaffl peers is high. Before one thinks having a White ft press pass is something special, one remember some 1,700 are currently^ used. They tout up with the vague state! (“But senator, you say 10 percent, bn percent of WHAT’?); finding their ston quotes are different than everyone fit who attended the same event (its d being too exclusive); hassles from seen guards (“Officer, you really mean IS look out the window to see if it’s rainins' worms in press room candy bars; a® myriad of other problems to wear the on chains looped around their neckstk identify them as White House correif) dents. 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