The Battalion. (College Station, Tex.) 1893-current, September 22, 1981, Image 2

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    The Battalion
V IE WPOINT
September 22,1
Slouch By Jim Earle
r
-
!
n:
“Have you noticed that it s the same ones whose rides leave
early whose rides leave late for coming back?”
President compared to
English prime minister
By DAVID BRODER
WASHINGTON — In the column-
'writing business, you learn quickly to cher-
► ish — and never to ignore — coincidences.
» One morning last week, a visiting British
.'member of Parliament remarked that
‘■Ronald Reagan struck him, not as the king
* of Capitol Hill, ” perhaps, but at least as
prime minister. Barely three hours later.
Rep. Tony Coelho (D-Calif.) told his col
leagues in the House Democratic caucus
that the main reason for their miseries in
^ the first eight months of the year was that
“the Republicans basically have moved to a
parliamentary system, with all the disci
pline that involves.”
If both a visiting parliamentarian and a
leader of the opposition (Coelho is chair
man of the Democratic Congressional Cam
paign Committee) can see Reagan in prime
ministerial guise, then it might behoove
even the dullest columnist to examine the
proposition.
I have done so, and my conclusion is that
thinking of Reagan’s government in par
liamentary terms does give you some in
teresting insights — but it is basically a
mischievous notion.
The distinction between a presidential
and a prime ministerial system of leader
ship is simple. (I speak with authority, hav
ing just looked again at a very useful book
called “Presidents and Prime Ministers,”
which Richard Rose and Ezra N. Suleiman
edited and the American Enterprise Insti
tute published last year.)
The prime minister is first among equals
in a cabinet system, sharing collective re
sponsibility with cabinet colleagues for the
formulation of national policy. Cabinet poli
cy becomes government policy through the
ratification device of a disciplined party ma
jority in the parliament; if discipline fails,
the government falls, and everyone faces
the voters. It is that simple.
The president, on the other hand, has
sole responsibility for the formulation of
executive branch policy. But his ability to
make his policy government policy de
pends entirely on his political skills in per
suading the independent legislators and the
often recalcitrant interest group/bureaucra
tic alliances to go along with his plans.
In those stark and oversimplified terms,
it is easy to see why both the British M.P.
and Coelho might independently remark
on the “prime ministerial quality” of
Reagan’s presidency. Clearly, he is sharing
the responsibility for basic policy formula
tion with this cabinet. He said he would
Warped
Remember White House promises!!
By JERELYN EDDINGS
United Press International
WASHINGTON — Some congressmen are
remembering White House promises and
near-promises that seem to be slipping out
of the administration’s focus in light of the
continued budget frenzy.
And they are unhappy — they always
term it “concerned” — with the new de
velopments unfolding.
During this summer’s budget debates.
President Reagan and his top aides did a lot
of listening, a good deal of nodding and
made a number of promises about applying
budget cuts evenhandedly.
They won the support of moderate Re
publicans from the Northeast and Midwest
partly on the strength of those promises —
along with a some heavy-handed political
pressure.
As a result of discussions with moderate
and liberal Republicans, whose support he
needed on budget votes, Reagan backed off
some attempts to cut social welfare prog
rams such as fuel assistance to the poor and
Medicaid.
The moderates thought they had rescued
some federal funds — at least for fiscal 1982
— as a result of those negotiations.
The administration also said publicly and
privately that it would not spare the De
fense Department from the next batch of
budget cuts. It took a little longer to iden
tify waste at the Pentagon, but they knew it
was there and they would apply the same
standards to the cutting military waste as
they did to domestic waste, fraud and
abuse.
moderate House Republicans, sajj
aren ’t buying that. They say theadmii
Of course, they wouldn’t take any steps
that would damage national security. And
the moderate Republicans didn’t want
them to. They just didn’t want their consti
tuents to suffer unduly while the Pentagon
prospered.
Now, with administration plans for a
second round of 1982 budget cuts to meet
its original goal, those Republicans are
“concerned” that the administration is
backing off their summer understanding.
Reagan recently announced plans to cut
_ pi
$2 billion from defense as part of an effort to
trim another $16 billion next year. For the
next three years, he proposed a $13 billion
reduction in military spending, when
domestic programs may be asked to cut
about $75 billion.
The “gypsy moths,” a group of about 30
tion must c ut $9 billion nextye^B
fense or they may not support li),
package.
They went along with
domestic spending reductions thiss
— some of them hard to swallow-
they are letting the president Id
now they expect the evenhandei
promised before.
“We would he very concer
administration were to saythosec
incuts made in the spring were noli
valid, said Rep. Carl PursellofMiclj
leading “gypsy moth.”
They say they believe theadmp
is floating trial balloons when it
delaying cost of living increaseslr|
pients of Social Security, foodstampl
fare and other benefit programs.
And they refused to respond pul
trial balloons. But the gypsy
ing it clear they would like to I
latest ones.
What they would like, instead,
administration to rememberwhatl
crates saw as commitments andc
with a more balanced package.
have “cabinet government,” and he is doing
so. He is guided by his ministers — Stock-
man and Meese, by Baker and Regan, by
Haig, Weinberger and Watt.
That was the point the visitor from West
minster noted. What Coelho focused on
was the extraordinary degree of discipline
that congressional Republicans have
accepted — or imposed on themselves.
Much ha^ been written about “defecting
Democrats” giving Reagan his budget and
tax victories in the House.
Bi oader voting statistics Coelho col
lected from Congressional Quarterly and
displayed to the caucus bear out the point.
Through the August recess, House Demo
crats had a party unity score (on all the
roll-calls on which the Democratic and Re
publican majorities diverges) of 69 percent.
That was as high a score as they have had in
the last 15 years; it was one point below the
unity score for Lyndon Johnson’s “miracle
Congress" of 1965; it was seven points high
er than the score they had in 1974, facing
crippled Richard Nixon and unelected Jer
ry Ford.
But the House Republican party-unity
score this year was an extraordinary 79 per
cent, higher than in any year in the 1960s or
1970s and 10 points higher than the GOP
average for those two decades.
So both Coelho and the British M.P. are
right — in one way. But they are also fun
damentally wrong, because the Reagan-
Republican, prime ministerial/parliamen
tary system is purely a political artifact,
with nothing to sustain it in the written or
unwritten constitution of this land, as there
is in Great Britain.
It exists only because Reagan has forged
what are for now powerful personal and
political bonds to his cabinet and his party
in Congress. He has led them by force of
personality and by maintaining his hold on
public opinion. But those bonds can be sus
tained only if his economic program sur
mounts the current wave of skepticism and
his leadership continues to be proved in the
budget and foreign-policy tests that lie im
mediately ahead.
He is only as secure governmentally as he
is strong politically.
What Richard Rose wrote remains true:
“In the cabinet system, a prime minister’s
problem is how to give direction to a gov
ernment that is already there, that is, orga
nized and capable of collective action. In
America, by contrast, there is no collective
authority ready at hand for the president’s
use ... A president is required to create
government. ”
Aggie football team has Polish Powi
Editor:
With Gary Kubiak, the great quarter
back of the Aggies this fall, I think of the
many great Polish-American football play
ers of the past: (e.g.) the immortal bronks,
Nagurski of Minnesota University and Chi
cago Bear’s fame. Nagurski, who was All-
American, both as fullback and tackle, is
rated by many experts as the top football
player of all time.
Johnny Lujack, is rated the greatest
quarterback of all time, at Notre Dame, and
another Pol-Am-Vic Janowicz, was among
Ohio State’s best ever. Alex Wojciechowicz
is probably the best of all time at Fordham
University and Steve Bartkowski is among
the greatest from the University of Califor
nia Bears. The Pittsburgh Steeler lineback
er, All-Pro Jack Ham, who is of Polish des
cent, is one of Penn State’s greatest, along
with Pro Hall of Fame’s Chuck Belnorik.
Other all-time Polish football stars include
Frank Tripucka, Dick Modzelewski, Ed
Danowski, Bill Osmanski, Walt Michaels,
and Frank Gatski. Also, Bill Swiacki and
Ron Jaworski.
Nearly 300 Polish-Americans have been
pro football players over the years.
If Kubiak lives up to his potential, the
Texas Aggies could be nationally rated this
fall.
I humbly say — Polish Power!
sincere thanks to the residents oft
Mosher and Spence halls whoraiseol
than $400 to help cover travel experl
Reveille and Drew Laningham, tlie!|
Corporal, and enabled them toatteo
Boston College game. It is onlythwl
Joe Kowalski
Ashlabula, Ohio
support of present and former studfEtf"
Rev is able to represent Texas 1
fepr
Funding appreciated
conference, away games. The sacrite I
these girls made is more than can
of any student. Again, our thanks.
Editor:
The members of Company E-2, the Mas
cot Company, would like to express their
Mark F. Moi
Cadet
Executive Officer, Compa# 1
■a
orr.l
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By Scott McCullar
The Battalion
USPS 045 360
MEMBER
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