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The Battalion
Viewpoint
September 2,1981
Slouch By Jim Earle
OI'TIOX I. Von Decide to Walt:
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call will ring.
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call is now being die
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Your call is completec
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er the Direct Distanc-
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r.anccl:
until we figure this new
Block grants mean
money and power
By JERELYN EDDINGS
United Press International
!WASHINGTON — President Reagan’s
proposals to merge dozens of federal prog
rams into block grants have been dissected
and debated everywhere from the halls of
Congress to the gambling center of the
Northeast.
Reagan wants them. The nation s gov
ernors say they need them. Congress has
enacted some of them. But many congress
men and federal officials shiver at the
thought of them.
It’s an old argument. States say they
should have the right to control programs
that provide education and certain other
services for their citizens. After all, they
argue, who understands the peculiar needs
of the people better than the public officials
closest to them?
The federal government’s position for the
past half century has been that it has a basic
responsibility to all Americans; that it
should guarantee access to fundamentals
like an education, sound health or basic
nutrition — no matter what state they live
in.
Actually, the argument can be broken
down to even simpler terms — who decides
how to spend certain tax dollars. And this
year, with Reagan setting the tone, the de
bate has focused not so much on whether
states should be given more control, but
how much control they should get.
The National Governors’ Association
held their meeting in Atlanta City, N.J., a
city of blackjack, roulette and slot
machines.
It was an appropriate spot for the gov
ernors, who discussed the gamble they took
when they agreed to go along with Reagan’s
budget cuts in exchange for more flexibility
to run various programs.
Generally, they decided it wasn’t a good
deal. They got the cuts — much deeper
than they hoped — but didn’t get all the
flexibility.
The Battalion
USPS 045 360
MEMBER
Texas Press Association
Southwest Journalism Congress
Editor !. Angelique Copeland
Managing Editor Marcy Boyce
City Editor Jane G. Brust
Asst. City Editor Kathy O’Connell
Copydesk Editor Jennifer Afflerbach
Photo Editor Greg Gammon
Sports Editor Ritchie Priddy
Focus Editor Cathy Saathoff
Asst. Focus Editor Debbie Nelson
News Editors Bemie Fette
Staff Writers ... Frank L. Christlieb, Terry Duran,
Phyllis Henderson, Colette Hutchings,
Belinda McCoy, Denise Richter,
Rick Stolle
Cartoonist Scot McCullar
Graphic Artist Richard DeLeon
Photographers Brian Tate
Becky Swanson, Dave Einsel
EDITORIAL POLICY
The Battalion is a non-profit, self-supporting newspaper
operated as a community service to Texas A&M University
and Bryan-College Station. Opinions expressed in The Bat
talion are those of the editor or the author, and do not
necessarily represent the opinions of Texas A6cM Universi
ty administrators or faculty members, or of the Board of
Regents.
The Battalion also serves as a laboratory newspaper for
students in reporting, editing and photography classes
within the Department of Communications.
Questions or comments concerning any editorial matter
should be directed to the editor.
LETTERS POLICY
Letters to the Editor should not exceed 300 words in
length, and are subject to being cut if they are longer. The
editorial staff reserves the right to edit letters for style and
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intent. Each letter must also be signed, show the address
and phone number of the writer.
Columns and guest editorials are also welcome, and are
not subject to the same length constraints as letters.
Address all inquiries and correspondence to: Editor, The
Battalion, 216 Reed McDonald, Texas A&M University,
College Station, TX 77843.
The Battalion is published daily during Texas A&M’s fall
and spring semesters, except for holiday and examination
periods. Mail subscriptions are $16.75 per semester, $33.25
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furnished on request.
Our address: The Battalion, 216 Reed McDonald Build
ing, Texas A&M University, College Station, TX 77843.
United Press International is entitled exclusively to the
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Rights of reproduction of all other matter herein reserved.
Second class postage paid at College Station, TX 77843.
Reagan’s principles face test
prison aid program requesl
serious test of his own avowed principles. victed of crimes. 1 he states are finaits
on
By DAVID S. BRODER
WASHINGTON — The Reagan admi-
nistriation is being tugged in opposite dire
ctions on the question of federal-state rela
tions. No sooner had the President re
newed his pledge to seek further shifts from
narrow categorical programs to broad, flexi
ble block grants than the Attorney Gener
al’s Task Force on Violent Crime came in
- with a recommendation for a new categoric
al aid program — this one for the construc
tion of prisons.
The way in which the White House
handles this recommendation will tell a lot
about how serious Ronald Reagan really is
about his commitment to transferring au
thority to the states and localities.
My bet is that he will do what his prede
cessors have done. He will rise above prin
ciple in order to accomplish his own, poli
tically attractive goals.
As everyone knows, Reagan has been as
stout in his criticism of the arrogance of the
all-seeing, all-knowing, all-controlling fed
eral government as anyone in American
public life. He has vowed to dismantle the
federal bureaucracy and transfer decision
making power to officials closer to the peo
ple. At times, he has even suggested that he
will turn back revenue-raising power from
the federal government to the states and
their subdivisions.
When uttered in the safe rhetoric of
generalities, all of this is guaranteed to win
applause. But now, for the first time in his
presidency, Reagan is face-to-face with a
serious test of his own avowed principles.
Crime is an issue that ranks close to
inflation in importance to the voters. For
more than a decade, the “war on crime” has
been a staple of conservative campaign
speeches.
Thus, it was both philosophically consis
tent and politically smart for the Reagan
administration to appoint a showcase com
mission on crime and to greet its recom
mendations with applause.
A difficulty arises, however, because
there is relatively little the federal govern
ment can do that directly affects the kind of
crime that people worry about — street
muggings and house burglaries. After all
the decades of federal “usurpation” that
conservatives complain of, police protec
tion is still regarded as a local function.
But since it is politically unacceptable to
say the the federal government is a bystan
der on the crime problem — even if that
happens to be true — the Reagan commis
sion did what dozens of its predecessors
appointed by liberal Presidents have done
with the issues of their day. It recom
mended a new federal-aid program.
It said the feds should distribute $2 bil
lion to the states over the next four years for
prison construction, and require each state
to put up a 25 percent matching contribu
tion — $500 million in all.
The rationale is impeccable. Prison
populatons are soaring far beyond the
capacity of our jails. Riots and abuse of fel-
low-pisoners make judges and juries reluc
tant to impose long sentences on those con
victed of crimes. The states are I
strapped. The problem is national ins
because criminals do not respectstatcl^
in choosing where to stage the nextH
or assault.
But the truth is that the Federakij
prison-construction program conta
every principle of federalism Reajii
talked about from his first speechfor!
Goldwater to his most recent addrestojj
National Conference of State Legislata
It is a new categorical grant, imp
federal priority on the states. Itencii
state funds. It spends deficit federall
in some states with healthy budgil
pluses. It defies the logic that saysthalaj
and local officials are the best judges'
needs of their own constituencies.
But judging from the welcome pres
tial assistant Ed Meese and the Jusfeli
partment have given the task forcereJ
mendations, none of these problemj
logic will prevail over the politicaldesi
ity of sponsoring an anti-crime program!
Reagan’s name on it.
Still, it remains a test of his principl
his first round with Congress, Red
able to move $2.3 billion of federal illi
categoricals to block grants. Ifhenowij
that out by sponsoring a new $21'
catergorical grant program, he puts!
in the same league as Jimmy Carter,i!
came to Washington pledged to “sii"
the federal government and endf
adding two dubious new Cabinet-Mi I
partments.
Pure block grants would have terminated
individual programs in their present form
and given states a few large chunks of
money to carry out the purposes of those
programs as they see fit. The separate prog
rams could be continued exactly as they
are, modified, or even obliterated — which
some people in Washington fear.
Tfliat concern caused Congress to give
Reagan a modified version of his proposed
block grants.
Congress eliminated many of the regula
tions and restrictions that accompany
health, education and social service prog
rams. They merged into block grants of
sorts some of these “categorical” programs
— programs for which the federal govern
ment dictated through pages of regulations
exactly how the money would be spent.
In their new form, many of the programs
still carry a limited amount of federal re
strictions. In some cases, specific amounts
of money are set aside within the block
grants to make sure the states don’t discon
tinue some programs.
And several federal programs Reagan
wanted put into block grants will retain
their present form next year, with all the
strings attached.
The governors hadn’t bargained for this
arrangement and they were not bubbling
with joy.
They called categorical grants “narrow
and inefficient” and said they could easily
absorb part of the funding reduction if only
they could cut out the red tape.
The governors said the new block grants
“still contain unnecessary federal strings
and mandates,” but added, “they are an
important first step toward increased effi
ciency and restoration of proper statefeder-
al balance of power.”
And that’s what this debate is all about —
money and power.
It is, indeed, an old argument. But Presi
dent Reagan’s agreement with governors
that states should have more control has
given the argument new life this year.
It’s your turn
Editorial cartoon draws criticism
Editor:
As an employee of the Texas A&M Uni
versity System, I was appalled by your use
of such a crude, offensive cartoon (Aug. 27)
in The Battalion. It is just this kind of sim
ple-minded knee-jerk immaturity that con
tinues to demonstrate you are incapable of
responsible journalism. I suggest you have
your cartoonist take a few lessons from Dr.
Earle as McCullar is short on “class” as well
as drawing ability. Dr. Vandiver deserves
an apology from the paper
cularly.
and you parti-
Jim Raatz
Commercial Artist
Texas Engineering Experiment Station
More criticism
Editor:
Perhaps the reason Jane Brust considers
the appointment of Dr. Frank Vandiver to
the Presidency of Texas A&M as “anticlima-
tic” (in her August 27, 1981 column) is the
Warped
fulminating attitude of the Bryan-
Station Eagle, which chose to exer®*'
fabled journalistic brilliance by creatiif
“climax” on August 24, detracting suff*
fully from the dignity that the Board oft
gents’ formal announcement deserved
As for the vicious McCullar cartoon *
tire of the uninformed, by the uninfor#
and for the uninformed shall notperisU
it does reflect graphically the predisf
tion recently of The Battalion to enters*
bat unarmed.
Robert S. ¥
1203 Munson ' 1
By Scott McCullar
I CAN'T TAKE ANmORE TODAY,
REGISTRATION LINES, BOOK
STORE LINES, SHUTTLEBUS
LINES, FEE LINES, AND I'M
NEYER EVEN SURE l'N\ IN
THE RIGHT LINES...
I'VE SPENT MOST OP MY DAY
STANDING IN LINES AND ALL
I WANT TO DO liOVl IS
REACH THE END OF THIS
ONE AND GET MY REVISED
GOOD-DAY SIR, WE'VE 60T
CHICKEN, MEATL0AF AND
FISH TODAY, WHAT'LL
HAVE ?J ^
HOW ABOUT A
NERVOUS BREAKDOWN'
—“T
YOU