ik j; Viewpoint The Battalion Texas A&M University Monday January 19, 1980 Slouch By Jim Earle “/ can t understand it! I’ve been kicked in the pants four times by perfect strangers!” Electoral decimation jfDems premature By DAVID S. BRODER WASHINGTON — Politics is power. Poli os is people. Politics is also numbers. Votes e counted in an election, people win or lose id power shifts. In all of politics, no set of imbers is more sweeping in its import than Lose the Census Bureau reports every 10 J :ars. They provide the basis for the reapportion- ent of seats in the House of Representatives id votes in the Electoral College. Within each ate; the population numbers are the raw aterial from which crafty political architects iild their intricate redistricting plans to in- , ease their party’s number of state legislature id House seats and to create vulnerable dis- icts for the opposition. So it was hardly surprising that headlines eeted the news that the 1980 census figures - certified on New Year’s Eve despite con- nuing court challenges to their accuracy — andated a 17-seat shift, largely from the ortheast and Great Lakes states to the South id the West. Eleven states gained seats, 10 st — in some cases drastically. New York ses five House seats and electoral votes; ennsylvania, Ohio and Illinois, two each, lorida is up four; Texas, three; California, vo. That is a real power shift and a continuation ' a trend that has been gaining force for de- ides. In just 20 years, Florida has eliminated ilf the 29-vote edge New York had on it in the ouse and the Electoral College. Similarly ■astic shifts have occurred within the borders individual states, as old cities have declined, iburbs spread and new population centers nerged in rural areas. Tracing the impact of icse population changes through the bloody sdistricting battles ahead in the legislatures ill be one of the most fascinating political stor- s of the year. But as that process begins, one word of mtion is in order. Some commentaries suggest lat the population trends reflected in the cen ts report spell doom for urban programs, li- 3ralism, the Democratic Party or all of the )ove. That is almost certainly an overstatement, as couple of simple experiments show. My col- ague Christopher Colford and I recalculated the recent presidential elections on the basis of the new Electoral College strengths and were surprised by the modesty of the resulting changes. There have been three very close presiden tial elections in the last 20 years — those of 1960, 1968 and 1976. In popular vote terms, the winning candidates’ margins over the runners- up were respectively, 0.2 percent, 0.7 percent and 2.1 percent. You can hardly imagine closer races. When Colford and I recalculated the Elec toral College results of those three elections as they would have been under under the post- 1980 census reapportionment, the surprise was that there was no surprise: The same candidates won by roughly the same margins. In the “adjusted re-run” of 1960, John Ken nedy beat Richard Nixon by 32 electoral votes — not the actual 80. In the re-run of 1968, Nixon beat Hubert Humphrey by 131 electoral votes, not 111. And in the re-run of 1976, Jim my Carter’s margin over Jerry Ford was 50 votes, not 56. In other words, the shift of electoral votes mandated by the last three censuses consistent ly helps the Republicans — but not by enough even to reverse the two extremely close Demo cratic victories of the past two decades. The other finding casts doubt on the theory that a reapportioned House would necessarily doom liberal programs. Colford and I looked back to some of the closest votes of the Great Society period to see how reapportionment might have affected their outcome. Whether it was food stamps in 1964, rent- supplements or the creation of the Department of Housing and Urban Development in 1965, support was comparable in the states that have gained seats to the states that are losing votes. Obviously, it is impossible to “prove” what would have happened to such programs — or to more recent controversial liberal bills — in a reapportioned House. The impact of the popu lation shifts will be filtered through the district ing battles only now beginning in legislatures across the land. But the most sweeping judgments about the decimation of Democratic presidential pros pects and of liberal programs are at least prema ture and possibly precarious. Warped The hostages are harbingers n c< eed Sng king ting ifor As we begin the new classes of the New Year, it is appropriate to pause for a moment and reflect on the names of several people to whom we all owe a great debt. Their names: Thomas Ahern, 48. William Belk, 43. Robert Blucker, 52. Donald Cooke, 25. William Daugherty Robert Englemann, 33. William Gallegos, 21. Bruce German, 43. Duane Gillette, 23. Allan Golacinski, 29. John Graves, 52. Joseph Hall, 30. Kevin Hermening, 20. Donald Hohman, 38. Leland Holland, 52. Michael Howland Charles Jones, 39. Malcolm Kalp Moorehead C. Kennedy Jr. William Keough Jr., 49. Steve Kirtley, 21. Kathryn Koob, 41. Frederick Lee Kupke, 32. Bruce Laingen, 57. Steve Lauterbach, 28. Gary Lee, 37. Paul Lewis, 22. John W. Limbert James M. Lopez, 21. Johnny McKeel Jr., 26. Michael Metrinko, 33. Jerry Miele, 41. Michael Moeller, 28. Sidebars jig < iian By Dillard Stone Bert Moore, 44. Richard M. Morefield, 50. Capt. Paul M. Needham, 29. Robert C. Ode, 64. John O’Keefe Richard Owen Gregory A. Persinger, 22. Jerry Plotkin, 45. Regis Ragan, 38. David Roeder, 40. Barry Rosen, 36. William B. Royer Jr., 48. Thomas Scahefer, 52. Charles Scott, 47. Rodney V. Sickman, 22. Joseph Subic Jr., 22. Elizabeth Ann Swift, 39. Victor Tomseth, 39. Phillip R. Ward iranj ilant I don’t know any of these people. You prob ably don’t either. But to us — you and me and millions of Americans as one great collective entity — these names are those of a group of American martyrs. They’re not martyrs in the literal sense. But they’re martyrs just the same, for each has given 442 days of his life for — for what? What have they done that was so heinous? Nothing more than a simple fate which be falls us all at one time or another — they werein the wrong place at the right time. The numbers beside the names have all grown by at least one. The investment thal represents is incalculable; it cannot be express ed in monetary terms, in time, in editorial in dignation, not even in national outrage. No-1 thing we can do can make up to these Amer icans what they have lost for the crime of mere ly being an American. As I write this, Algerian sources are saying the hostages’ release is only a “matter of hours’ away. I can only pray that this is true. That’s exactly the root of frustration I and countless others feel: All we can do is wait and pray. Nothing we do can make any difference. Such a feeling of national impotence hasn’t been matched in my lifetime, and I would be hard-pressed to find one in history. Such emas culation of national pride, the humiliation ofit all, should be satisfaction enough for the Ira nians. The abstract costs to the hostages them selves are incalculable, and the material costs to the United States won’t be known until negotia tions are concluded. The entire episode is a horrible harbinger of what may be the future of international diplo- ® iarve U: Vida lecla :itni! 1 i)’ t< ueci ndS mior W< bink macy : In many countries, foreigners cannot and will not be protected by the host government. The protector instead becomes the tormentor. In a country where a nation’s terror against its own citizens, and those of foreign countries, is tolerated, is anyone safe? In a world where governments are the spon sors of the terror, can total chaos be far behind? HTie iroct’ n rove >nng trike Abi heir ilant heg jorke Guidelines for letters to the editor By DILLARD STONE Battalion Editor The open expression of vibrant opinions is the standard against which the true freedom of a society can be measured. The Battalion welcomes the written opinions of students and faculty of Texas A&M Universi ty, as well as those of other area residents. 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