»g E C f t ev JOl he ta o\ 1 am n iol an iac »rc J >ui ve ve h< •ai Viewpoint u The Battalion Tuesday Texas A&M University September 30, 1980 esp ng tam isease .tt he •oi »g JO lai hi ve Tic ( C ( M a ! P' ei P oi Slouch By Jim Earle ‘How did we come out against Open Date U. ? Anderson candidacy viable only on paper By DAVID S. BRODER PHILADELPHIA — What happened to John Anderson here last week was a vivid de monstration of the limits of media politics. I showed the revelance of a political party — even in a non-party age. Anderson came here fresh from his strong showing in the Baltimore panel interview with Ronald Reagan. His manager, David Garth, ordered “crowd events” for the post-debate day, seeking television and newspaper cover age that would suggest that the long-shot inde pendent candidacy had acquired a fresh burst of energy and support. By holding a noon event in an outdoor plaza in the heart of Chicago’s loop, always thronged with pedestrians, the Illinois congresssman was able to draw a crowd of 2,000 that looked heal thy to reporters and TV interviewers. But the evening here was a dispiriting win dup to what should have been a dynamic day for Anderson. His backers booked the 3,500-seat Civic Center and filled only about 500 of the chairs — a failure that was highly visible on television. The Philadelphia Inquirer head lined, “Empty Hall Swallows Anderson Momentum. ” Embarrassed Anderson aides blamed the bust on competition from the Eagles’ Monday night football game and the Phillies’ appearance on television. But the basic problem was the lack of the kind of “automatic” support a politic al party can provide for its candidate. The volunteer Anderson organization tried. It really tried. It bought $1,500 worth of radio spots to advertise the event — not an inconsid erable sum for an organization whose budget depends on the daily collection of voluntary contributions. Volunteers distributed several thousand handbills promoting the event at downtown locations, and student volunteers at the area campuses were pumped up to compete with each other for the number of classmates they could turn out. Key members of the volun teer network in Philadelphia and its suburban counties were asked to start a “telephone chain” which theoretically could reach thousands of Anderson fans in their homes. In the end, the only places that turned out were the campuses — and only a few of them. When master of ceremonies John Buckley (a Middlesex Country, Mass., sheriff, imported to a city where no local notable is supporting Anderson) called out the names of area cam puses, there were cheers from the contingents from prestigious Penn and Temple and Bryn Mawr, but not from the more blue-collar St. Joseph’s and Villanova. The school cheers were reminiscent of an Warped Reagan budget cuts failed once before in California Jronie, arm, ealth < Dr. C lave be By DIANE CURTIS United Press International WASHINGTON — Republican presidential candidate Ronald Reagan is patterning his plan to cut federal spending by $195 billion over five years on a money-saving scheme that bombed when he tried it in California. Earlier this month in Chicago, Reagan pre sented an ambitious program to “balance the budget, reduce tax rates and restore our de fenses.” The road to a balanced budget is to be achieved partly with a 2 percent cut in spending in 1981, increasing the slashes to 10 percent by 1985 for a total reduction in projected federal spending of $195 billion over five years. The way Reagan plans to accomplish this shearing, he said, is “through a comprehensive assault on waste and inefficiency.” “The old phrase is to cut, squeeze and trim,” explained one of Reagan’s top economic advis ers during a not-for-attribution briefing. No specific programs are targeted for extinc tion, the adviser added. Instead, the bloodlet ting will simply eliminate $195 billion in “fraud, waste and extravagance.” He did not pinpoint the source of that “fraud, waste and extravagance. ” “But the “cut, squeeze and trim” approach failed when Reagan, as California’s newly elected governor, tried it in 1967. “We are going to squeeze and cut and trim until we reduce the cost of government,” he said in his January inaugural address. “It won’t be easy nor will it be pleasant and it will involve every department of government, starting with the governor’s office . Any major business can tighten its belt by 10 percent and still maintain the quality and quantity of its operation. So too can government.” What Reagan optimistically proposed was a 10 percent across-the-board cut in all state de partments and agencies. But as lawmakers and constituents rallied against the arbitrary slashes, especially in mental health and higher education, the governor backed off from his money-saving scheme and his first budget was 10 percent higher than the previous year’s. During recent stumping in a Polish neigh borhood of Milwaukee, Reagan stressed his re cord as governor and said his economic proposal would work “because it did in California. The it h ESS ca Bi Still 1 He cited a freeze on governmentlimphai which he promises will be his firstai flight; t dent — and formation of task forces tiKitro and look at government agenciesandt>rl)»c 0 and tell us w here the extravagant*iB 5 ac waste is and how we can cut it down t u He said his policies restoredCalfcK^ dit rating, eliminated the “deficit allowed the government to return $6t;*| s taxpayers and cut the average annuala^ bet in spending in half. iProe He did not mention that he also impol"* P ri of the largest tax increases in California*r on , , .Tnuei But while Reagan does promise a k s budget, reduced taxes and an increase pHow ary spending, the postnomination spomer has adopted a more restrained toneiililpoi nomic promises. During campaigning for the prim I* 5 Reagan sold the Kemp-Roth three-yearife cent tax cut bill as an economy stimuk k would pay for itself in added governnuf venues. Now, he warns that turning the ft] around is not easy and “will take I Anderson birthday party rally in Boxboro, Mass., last winter, when he was still seeking the Republican nomination. But the repetition of the device now, seven months later, seemed to measure the failure of the Anderson campaign to broaden its base or build organizational depth. That is the main reason that strategists in both the Ronald Reagan and Jimmy Carter cam paigns here now believe that serious attrition in the Anderson vote is bound to occur. His sup port grew after the debate and is relatively high here now, sustained so far by Anderson’s skill in acquiring free media exposure. But the parity he has enjoyed with the major party nominees in television news coverage is increasingly eroded as Carter and Reagan step up their advertising campaigns. Without the kind of organizational activity that would tend to reinforce the marginally committed Anderson voters in their inclination to support the Independent, Anderson is likely to be whittled back to his hard-core supporters, his rivals believe. The irony is that in a state like Pennsylvania, Anderson may suit the voters’ natural inclina tions better than either of his rivals. Pennsylva nia likes to vote for progressive Republicans like Gov. Dick Thornburgh and Lt. Gov. Wil liam W. Scranton III. But at a dinner here two nights after the Anderson fiasco, Thornburgh and Scranton were on hand to cheer — not Anderson — but George Bush, Reagan’s runningmate. The ties of party loyalty pulled the kind of crowd that Anderson might well envy, and if the $80,000 raised or the Pennsylvania GOP was small by the affluent standards of today’s Republicans, it would have looked like a small fortune to Anderson. The same force of party loyalty is operating to help Jimmy Carter whittle the Anderson vote from the other flank. A political loner by incli nation, Carter has reached for help to the Democratic mayors of this state — including Philadelphia’s Bill Green, who helped Ted Kennedy beat Carter last April in 68 of the 69 awards. Carter’s campaign is also tying in closely to one of the more obscure aspirants on the ballot, Al Benedict, the candidate for re-election as state auditor. Benedict is not a man of renown, but he has a built-in organization of some 800 patronage employees — an army more disci plined and reliable than the Anderson student volunteers. On television, Anderson looks like a match for his rivals. But in the streets, as the Philadel phia fiasco showed, it is no contest. nist It s your turn Turn down the speakers at Kyle Field Editor: I would like to express my congratulations to the Athletic Department for providing the means for those who could not afford a radio to hear the A&M-Penn State game anyway via the sound system in Kyle Field. Although I live over three-quarters of a mile from the stadium as the crow flies, while working in my yard Saturday I found I could hear the roar of the crowd only occasionally in the distance, but that I could hear every word over the PA system just as I heard every note of the taped music played during the three hour “testing” of the same system the previous Sunday. Students who attended the game tell me that the PA system was loud enough to cut through any noise caused by the over-60,000 fans with plenty of volume to spare. I don’t know why it was consi dered necessary to blast out Saturday’s pro ceedings, but now, thanks to the efforts of A&M and the Alamo, those of us living north of the campus can experience the delights of excessive noise pollution on both Tuesdays and Satur days. When a neighbor turns his stereo up too loud an ask him to turn it down. Well neigh bors, here is my request, please turn it down. I hope any responses to this letter will be more constructive and original than “Highway 6 runs both ways.” Ron Pflaum A&M one of greatest Editor: A dream has come true. My love for Texas A&M started the day my brother arrived on campus in 1969. Because he was in the Corps of Cadets, I quickly learned about the many tradi tions and ideas which surround Texas A&M. At that young age, I decided that I would one day be a part of that institution. In 1969 it was one of the greatest universities around. However, upon my arrival I was unsure of what to expect. Had Texas A&M changed since my brother’s graduation in 1974? Was# 1 university where the atmosphere was undying loyalty and old traditions?" Corps of Cadets still the backbone ofafi student body? My answer toallofthesi tions is yes. Texas A&M has changed; and, itp tinue to change. It is a rapidly growing tion that attracts some of the very bests# found anywhere. Certainly, no univ? 1 perfect. However, my dream is that' A&M will always be the great universiP past reflects. As long as the incomings!# believe in and uphold the ideas whi® made this institution great, manyotheif will have their dreams fulfilled. John J. Col# By Scott McCullar The Battalion U S P S 045 360 MEMBER Texas Press Association Southwest Journalism Congress Editor Dillard Stone Managing Editor Rhonda Watters Asst. Managing Editor Scott Haring City Editor Becky Swanson Sports Editor. Richard Oliver Asst. Sports Editor Ritchie Priddy Focus Editor Scot K. Meyer News Editors Lynn Blanco, Gwen Ham, Todd Woodard Staff Writers Jennifer Afflerbach, Kurt Allen, Nancy Andersen, Marcy Boyce, Mike Burrichter, Pat Davidson, Jon Heidtke, Uschi Michel-Howell, Debbie Nelson, Liz Newlin, Cathy Saathoff, Rick Stolle Cartoonist Scott McCullar Photo Editor Pat O’Malley Questions or comments concerning any t should be directed to the editor. LETTERS POLICY Letters to the Editor should not exceed 300 word! :: and are subject to being cut if they are longer. T1iee0 reserves the right to edit letters for style and It make every effort to maintain the author's intent, in list also be signed, show the address and phone nar writer. Columns and guest editorials are also welcome, iX subject to the same length constraints as letters. i‘ v inquiries and correspondence to: Editor, The Reed McDonald, Texas A&M University, College^ 77843. 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