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The Battalion
Texas A&M University
Tuesday
January 16, 1979
Plotting thickens over trade agreements
By DAVID S. BRODER
WASHINGTON — One of the partici
pants said it was his first time back in the
White House since the Nixon years.
Another easily topped that by remarking
that it was his first return visit since Ken
nedy’s time.
The two dozen men — lawyers, lob
byists and executives — met in their
once-familiar surroundings recently to plot
the opening moves in one of 1979’s major
battles: the fight for congressional ap
proval of the new agreement setting forth
the terms of international trade among
close to 100 nations.
The group assembled by Carter’s special
trade representative, Robert S. Strauss,
included some of the real powerhouses of
the Washington influence community.
Superlawyers Lloyd Cutler, Harry
McPherson, Berl Bernharc, and Bill
Hundley, were there, along with the
superlobbyists Bill Timmons (President
Ford’s congressional liaison chief) and
Tommy Boggs.
Loyd Hackler and Bob Keefe, two skill
ful Democratic legislative strategists, were
exchanging viewpoints with Bill Eberle
and William Walker, veterans of previous
trade battles when they held Strauss’s
present job. Missing from the first meet
ing, but scheduled to join the ad hoc
strategy group, are former House Ways
and Means Committee influential Wilbur
Mills and Joe Waggoner, and Charls
Walker, the former Treasury official in the
Nixon years who masterminded last year’s
successful drive for capital gains tax relief.
The presence of all these high-powered
influence wielders in one room is one sign
of the importance of the coming trade
legislation battle. But even more signifi
cant was the location of the bipartisan
gathering, in the White House itself.
While MTN (the Multilateral Trade
Negotiation) has received less publicity
than SALT (the Strategic Arms Limitation
Treaty), its approval has as high a priority
for the President as any item on his 1979
agenda.
Like the SALT negotiators, the MTN
bargainers have not quite wrapped up
their agreement. But a quick conclusion to
the trade talks in Geneva is more assured
than a rapid windup of the SALT talks with
the Soviet Union. And Carter last week
gave Congress formal notice of his inten
tion to submit the agreement in April.
Then Congress will have 90 working
days to say yes or no to the package of tariff
concessions and reductions in non-tariff
barriers which are at the heart of the com
plex agreement. The lawmakers must take
it whole or reject it; they are not allowed
Welfare system:
bucks versus bills
By JAQUELINE GRAPIN
PARIS — The French, like Americans,
have become accustomed to social welfare.
Indeed, only the most unreconstructed
reactionary here would turn the clock back
to the days before the system existed.
But the social welfare structure in
France, which was initially introduced a
generation ago, is currently encountering
the same challenge it faces in the United
States. Expenditures are outpacing reve
nues — so much so, in fact, that the sys
tem is sliding deeper and deeper into
debt.
After much deliberation, the French
government has decided to deal with the
problem by raising deductions from wages
and by imposing higher contributions on
companies to cover their employees. The
increase for individuals ranges from 15
percent to 54 percent, depending on in
come brackets.
The new policy, which went into effect
at the beginning of the year, has provoked
protests from management and labor as
well as from shopkeepers, craftsmen and
professionals — in short, from almost
everyone.
These protests may spell political trou
ble for the government, whose economic
austerity program and the unemployment
it has caused is already triggering strikes.
But the policy was chosen over two
other possible alternatives, both of which
were considered unfair. One would have
been to finance the operation through
taxes, which are largely indirect and thus
inequitable. The other would have been to
reduce benefits, thereby saddling people
with a bigger share of their own welfare
burden.
Even so, the deficit for the year ahead
will exceed $2 billion, and a key question
is whether the new measure will be suffi
cient to keep the system out of the red in
the future.
Social welfare spending in France runs
to some $70 billion per year, or nearly 23
percent of the nation’s gross domestic
product. The money goes mainly for
health care and, to a lesser degree, into
family allowances and support for the
aged.
Everybody here takes advantage of the
system, from paupers who depend on it to
make ends meet, to millionaires who claim
refunds on minor medical bills. I see it
used — and sometimes abused — by rela
tives, friends and associates almost daily.
My mother, for example, is reimbursed
fully and promptly for the large quantities
of medicine she consumes, without any
check on the validity of her prescriptions.
My secretary regularly adds a week of
“sick leave’’ with salary to her month’s
paid vacation.
Not long ago, a cousin who had suffered
a mild heart ailment discovered after leav
ing the hospital that he was entitled to
enter a special institution for three weeks
of free therapy that he could have easily
undergone at home. This and other kinds
of assistance, all perfectly legal, have made
social welfare here the butt of jokes. One
Letters to the Editor
columnist recently compared the system
to a huge and opulent mother constantly
embracing her children. Wits have por
trayed it as a sort of watering hole, where
the French slake their chronic thirst for
benefits.
Despite the humorists, though, there
are several sound reasons for the spiralling
costs of social welfare in France as
elsewhere on earth.
One significant factor is demographic.
The number of old people has nearly dou
bled over the past 20 years, while the
birthrate has fallen since the end of Woild
War II. This means heavier expenditures
to care for the aged at a time when, with a
shrinking labor force, wages are yielding
less to social welfare coffers.
The rise in unemployment as a result of
the recession is another important ele
ment in the picture, since the jobless are
not only draining the government for
compensation, but, without work, are un
able to contribute to social welfare.
Add to this inflation, which is making
medical attention increasingly expensive.
The equivalent of $700 per year per per
son is now spent on health care here, and
the overall expenditure will rise this year,
when medical services are broadened to
include the entire French population.
Until now, 53 percent of the population
has been covered.
The system can certainly be reformed,
but not as much as its critics contend.
About 70 percent of government-
subsidized drugs are consumed by old
persons and those with major illnesses,
and there is really little abuse in this sec
tor. The “sick leave” deception, thought
often publicized, is not widespread. And
bureaucratic waste is less than it is in pri
vate insurance companies.
In fact, France spends a lower propor
tion of its national product on social wel
fare than do West Germany, Denmark,
Belgium and Italy. The burden born by
French wage-earners is also relatively low.
On the other hand, the contributions by
private enterprise to the system are the
highest in the world.
A possible path to reform, however, is
through the French fiscal structure. Tax
evasion is common, especially among
businessmen and farmers, and though
they receive social welfare benefits along
with everyone else, their fraudulent prac
tices deprive the system of funds.
But to enforce tax collection in France
would require a revolution, and that is an
unlikely prospect. So the government’s
move to raise indiviual and corporate con
tributions to social welfare, while unpopu
lar, was probably the only feasible course.
The lesson in all this for American ought
to be clear as they contemplate the expan
sion of their social welfare system to in
clude government medical care for all.
It may be socially just to guarantee
everyone “equality in the face of sickness,”
to quote French President Valery Giscard
d’Estaing. But is canbe done cheap.
(Grapin writes on economic issues for
Le Monde, the French daily newspaper.)
to amend it piecemeal.
Despite the President’s strong backing
and the formidable array of economic
power and political influence represented
at the White House strategy meeting, the
battle in Congress promises to be a tough
one. Organized labor opposes concessions
that it believes will threaten the loss of
American jobs to foreign producers. With
an estimated $28 billion deficit in the U.S.
balance of trade for 1978, many members
of Congress will be susceptible to protec
tionist pressures.
To counter them, Strauss and his admin
istration colleagues are trying to spread
public awareness of the huge stake U.S.
workers and consumers have in interna
tional trade. One-fifth of U. S. manufactur
ing jobs and one-third of America’s farm
acreage depend on export markets.
The ad hoc strategy group urged the
administration to present the trade legisla
tion, not as a tariff concession bill but as an
export-expansion measure, sweetened
with every legitimate device for helping
U.S. firms find new markets abroad.
In a time of high inflation, there is also a
consumer-oriented argument that
liberalized trade will reduce the costs to
Americans of the foreign products they
want.
Strauss himself is bringing his consider
able political and persuasive skills to bear
on the toughest elements of the opposi
tion, the steel and textile interests. The
two groups stung the administration twice
in the closing days of the last Congress,
pushing through one restrictive trade bill
that Carter was forced to veto and blocking
a second liberal-trade measure he now
must seek to have approved early this
year, before the big trade agreement
comes up for a vote.
Strauss is conducting intensive private
negotiations with the textile and steel
people. He is using t[ie technique for
which he became famous (or notorious)
when dealing with supposedly implacable
party factions in his previous job as Demo
cratic national chairman. There, he per
fected art of the last-minute compromise
that somehow removed a roadblock to
achieving his objective.
In the trade fight, he has the consistent
backing of a President who, on this issue at
least, has not wavered from the principles
he enunciated in his campaign. He has
some strong allies on Ways and Means and
the Senate Finance Committee. And the
economic-political power represented by
the ad hoc committee is formidable.
All things considered, it would not be
wise to bet the rent on the administration
losing this fight.
(c) 1979, The Washington Post
Conspiracy afoot
By DICK WEST
WASHINGTON — Amazing things are being done in the field of acoustics these
days.
All of us laymen were dazzled by the detective work performed by two acoustics
experts retained by the House Assassinations Committee.
From a tape recording of sounds picked by an open mike on a Dallas police
motorcycle assigned to the Kennedy motorcade, they were able to conclude that
gunshots came from two directions.
Humor
And if you thought that feat was impressive, get a load of what is happening in
California.
When Gov. Edmund Brown first went to Sacramento, he was certifiably type
D, meaning he had Democratic blood.
Yet recent acoustical tests indicate beyond a reasonable doubt that he has been
making noises like a Republican.
These findings were based in large part on voice patterns taken from a tape of
Brown’s second-term inaugural address last week.
Particulary revealing was the part where Brown called for a constitutional
amendment to force the government to balance the federal budget.
GOP overtones in that segment were first detected by Californians who heard
the governor’s speech on radio or television.
To the state’s Republican lieutenant governor. Brown’s proposals sounded like
“Republican principles.” To an AFL-CIO official, they sounded like “warmed-
over Herbert Hoover.”
The naked ear, however, is riot necessarily sensitive enough to pick up all the
nuances in a political speech. Expert confirmation was needed.
Toward that end, Mark Freeway, author of the book “Rush to Jarvis,” obtained
a tape of the speech and had it analyzed by voice print experts.
What the acousticians did, essentially, was obtain some old recordings of Re
publican politicians calling for mandatory balancing of federal budgets. These
were played back on a machine that registers voice inflection, intensity, sincerity,
timbre and reverbrations. Then the squiggly lines were compared with the
squiggly lines made by the Brown tape.
According to Freeway, some of the sounds definitely fit the Republican pattern.
The question that arises is whether it was a case of Brown acting alone or
whether the speech was part of a conspiracy to deprive President Carter of a
second term.
Critics of the conspiracy theory point out that if Carter doesn’t run again the
Democrats are more likely to turn to Sen. Edward Kennedy than to Brown. But
those who subscribe to the theory are unmoved by that argument.
They point to the comment by a leading California liberal that the speech
sounded like Brown was “seeking the Republican nomination for president.”
So the speculation is that Brown, rather than conspiring against Carter with
other Democrats, is conspiring with his alter ego.
Opponent teams deserve respect, too
Editor:
All right, that does it! The lack of couth
among certain elements on this campus
has often filled me with dismay and dis
gust. I almost fired off a scathing letter to
the Batt last October, when, one week
after the Aggie band was offended by
Baylor’s band playing during the Aggie
War Dirge, that same Aggie band kept
playing while SMU played its fight song.
The hypocrisy of this act was, and is, in
credible; but I let it go.
However, after attending the SMU-
A&M basketball game in Dallas Saturday
night, I can keep silent no longer. After
the Mustang band played the Aggie alma
mater, it began its own; and who should
appear out on the court.with the SMU
cheerleaders but the Aggie team, which
began taking practice shots. As the final
score indicates, the Aggies needed all the
practice they could get and then some.
But during the playing and singing of
SMU’s alma mater was not the time to do
it.
There is no excuse for such rudeness.
Fortunately for the Aggies, they were
playing in civilization. If a visiting team
were to pull such a stunt here, they would
probably be drawn and quartered, tied
and feathered, and keel-hauled in Rudder
Fountain.
Aggies may preach all they want about
friendliness, courtesy and respect for tra
dition; but from where I sit, until they
clean up their own act, it sounds (and
smells) like so much flatus in the wind.
— Brian Barnette
SMU ’77, A&M ’79
Practice preachings
Editor:
I am a student at the University of
Houston and attended the UH-A&M bas
ketball game Jan. 10 in Houston. I was
again appalled at the poor sportsmanship
exhibited by your fans and yell leader.
The “Beat the Hell Out of Cougar High”
cheer is not meant to exhort your team to
victory, but to taunt and irritate Houston
fans. This is bad sportsmanship. If
“Cougar High” refers to academics, let me
assure you that there are some very fine
professors here.
If “Cougar High” refers to athletic tradi
tion, let the record speak for itself. I have
four brothers-in-law who attended A&M,
one of whom is a faculty member. I am not
an Aggie hater.
However, if this poor sportsmanship
continues, I will be. If you insist on
“Cougar High,” ponder this: “Cougar
High” 33 - Aggie Elementary 0. To get
stomped that bad by a “High School” team
your school must be an elementary, well
— maybe junior high.
— Ralph Bivins
Houston
Top of the News-^ 1 "
CAMPUS >ea<
United Press In
Aggie still in critical condition L r Xhtf iTade
er ! King J r. s
Kaye Davis, 22, a Texas A&M student from Jasper, remaineght a president
critical condition in Houston’s Methodist Hospital Monday nip Southerner —
Davis was injured in a car-motorcycle accident in College StationUce prize nam<
Thursday afternoon. ; â– 
cHMartin Lu
?r for Social (
rr rTT a rrriTTI UBeace prize t<
I I BH iuiiday befor
^ ^ 1 of more than
ng King relat
Davis jury gets case tonight ad die not livet
leepi heard, h
A district judge in Houston denied defense objections andnih F would be
jurors could consider both conspiracy and solicitation of capital it * or ^ u ‘ United
der charges against Fort Worth millionaire T. Cullen Davis Mondj 011 ! words 1
Final arguments are scheduled for today and the jury will receivei :la M <)na l counci
case tonight. Davis, 45, heir to a worldwide industrial fortune,«
named last August in a four-count indictment charging he solicitemi
conspired and attempted to arrange the death of his divorce Mafj 7] B B £
judge Joe E. Eidson. Prosecutors began the thirteenth week ok t
trial Monday hy asking District Judge Wallace Moore to submitb- b,
the solicitation and conspiracy counts to the jury. Defense lav l ^
argued that because Davis could only be convicted of one k -
jurors should be restricted to considering only a single count.
Refinery strike averted for non
A strike by 7,000 workers at a Texaco, Inc., refinery in Port Artli|
was averted at least temporarily Monday, but walkouts idled m on . Committi
than 3,500 workers at two other Texas refineries and two eheir;^, j il lss res j^ n ,
plants despite the apparent nearness of a national labor contrdcWj,^ 0 f' c0 _ c li
Some 275 members of Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers Lay an( j a searc ] 1 j
4-449 struck an Amoco Chemicals Corp. plant in Texas City Suit’ |,. a< j er a S]
over local issues including shift schedules and assignment of av
wor k- far, 20 im-mbe!
immittee have
le president’s ;
IV A TT OIV fcrj
-L ^ jL JL JL ± ^ iarah Wedding
anviser on v
Influence peddling trial opemSlivtfy^Too
nent for Abzuj
Rep. Daniel Flood, D-Pa., became a member of the 96th Con; ( el - dismissed ,
Monday and went to trial on charges he peddled his Capitol :, r y position Fr
influence for huge payoffs. Flood, 75, faces a maximum penalty ol s release issue
years in prison on each of nine bribery counts, five years on a co rittcized the p
racy count and five years on each of three perjury counts —ato 0 tut back on
155 years in prison and a $220,000 fine. Some Justice Departi , ms to fight ini
officials have privately said they doubt Flood would ever would®
jailed — even if convicted — because of his age.
Supreme Court to set mail
The Supreme Court agreed Monday to lay down ground rules:^
citizens seeking damages from present or former federal official!® gM
cases involving CIA mail openings and anti-war veterans. The cow
will hear anneals bv former CIA Director William Colby and:
former deputy, Vernon Walters, who, along with a score ofoll/ASHINGTOI''
former officials of the CIA and other agencies, are being sued for amission Monc
ing citizens’ mail. Hevices whicl
n I he user let.'
. 1 • . . adopted, the r
Steel companies go to court pow er mower,
ige would rest
Seven major steel companies went to court in Pittsburg Mood; j* ta l hills by al
another effort to stop a strike by independent steel haulers aim«‘ lt “ P'' () P osa h w
paralyzing the nation’s steel shipments. The companies contendt: 0 ft‘d on by tfr
the Fraternal Associatiom of Steel Haulers has failed to comply
U.S. District Judge Louis Rosenberg’s directive last Thursday, whll u 'PP ec ' 1
ordered the truckers to end their strike. ss , us ® r ,
en, the blade
WORLD ESf
blade. Mower*
i • m 1 1 1 • -w w Fh a power
American man stabbed m Iranmâ„¢ Kitzes,
An American engineer was stabbed to death at his residence" < ^‘ l ^^^^
southern Iran hy unknown assassins, possibly because he was Jew a ,
U.S. officials said Monday. The U.S. Embassy identified the Aim p i' )p<>sa
can as Martin Berkovitz, 53, of San Francisco, who worked for ^ u ! ^ j |
American construction company in Iran. The murder took placeSwjj e s| ^ r ' ^
day at Berkovitz’s home in the southern town of Kerman where*,,. ’ U .* ,<) .'
was working as an engineer on a bilhon-dollar copper mine project qq ^ q K)se —
the nearby Sarchashmeh mines. The Kayhan newspaper said t sa) i | | l ]
telephone had been cut and a note pasted on the front of his doU'^.
said, "Go back to your own country. ” )a yi n g about $■
Cambodian prince in
Prince Norodom Sihanouk, the 56-year-old ousted ruler of CaaB
bodia, was reported in satisfactory condition Monday at a ManhattiL ^
hospital suffering “extreme stress and exhaustion.” Sihanouk, g i..’J
last week appealed to the United Nations for aid for his counlr
against Vietnam was admitted to Lenox Hill Hospital Sunday:
tests. A hospital spokesman said Sihanouk “had been laboring unde: United Press In
extreme stress and exhaustion. VSSHINGTON
r ?ays “I will
WEATHER pK
Mostly cloudy and warmer today with drizzle. Winds will Wer also says tf
southerly at 10-15 mph. High today 50 and a low of 40. We’ tecl salt ii
have a 30% chance of rain today, tonight, and tomorrow.
enate for ratif
" mday the pres
. The Battalion
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