Viewpoint
The Battalion
Texas A&M University
Friday
December 8, 1978
Carter ready for mid-term conference
By DAVID S. BRODER
WASHINGTON — There was a time
then the White House feared that the
Democratic Party’s mid-term conference,
scheduled for Memphis this weekend
(Dec. 8-10), might be the birthplace of a
dump Carter movement. But that danger
disappeared when Camp David froze his
potential challengers in their tracks.
There was a time when the White House
feared that the Memphis mini-convention
might turn into a monster gripe session,
with dozens of defeated Democratic candi
dates and officeholders descending on the
scene to blame their losses on Carter and
his policies.
But that danger was diminished by the
modesty of the losses the Democrats suf
fered in last month’s election, and by the
fact that the President and his aides did all
in their power to save those few Democrats
who were defeated.
With the dangers of political revolt and
post-election recrimination effectively re
moved, there is really only one quesiton on
which Memphis can possibly shed some
light. That is how much, if any, resistance
Carter will encounter as he reshapes the
Democratic Party’s domestic agenda from
its traditional emphasis on social programs
to a new priority for anti-inflation spending
cuts.
The President is dispatching about 100
top White Hosue and agency officials to
Memphis — at their own expense — to
defend his programs to the 1,800 or more
grass roots delegates who are expected
there. The one whose work is most critical
to the turnaround Carter is attempting is
James T. McIntyre, Jr., the director of the
Office of Management and Budget.
While the delegates are packing their
hags for Memphis, McIntyre and his
budget aides are busy in Washington feed
ing memos to the President to counteract
agency appeals from cutbacks in social pro
grams. OMB has ordered these cuts to
meet Carter’s goal of reducing the fiscal
1980 budget deficit below $30 billion.
Public service jobs for the hard-core un
employed and for jobless youths will be
reduced by the OMB edicts. So will federal
spending for health, education and alterna
tive energy research. Many other programs
will be forced to absorb the impact of infla
tion without increases in their current
funds.
If Carter backs the McIntyre decisions
— and there is every reason to believe that
in most instances he will — the budget
submittted in January probably will be the
tightest in terms of real-dollar growth of
domestic programs that any President has
proposed since the Eisenhower years.
Carter’s judgment is that this is exactly
what the voters want in a time when persis
tent, high-level inflation has eroded the
value of the dollar and jeopardized most
families’ ability to manage their own
budgets.
The question is whether the constituen
cies of the Democratic Party that have tra
ditionally fueled the demand for expanding
domestic programs are now prepared to
accept Carter's judgment and priorities.
There are important groups of Demo
crats — the mayors, the minorities, the
unions, the teachers and the elderly — who
want more from government, not less. All
of those groups will be represented in
Memphis.
But the advance prospect is that if they
want to challenge the changed direction of
the administration, they will have to do it
on their own. Most of the elected officials
who have been spokesmen for their causes
in the past will either be absent from Mem
phis or muzzled by the fairly restrictive
mini-convention debate rules.
The notable exception is Sen. Edward
M. Kennedy (D-Mass.), who is coming to
debate the case for national health with
White House aide Stuart Eizenstat and
Health, Education and Welfare Secretary
Joseph A. Califano, Jr.
But Kennedy’s stay in Memphis is ex
pected to be brief, and his dissent is likely
to focus on that one issue.
For the rest, the opposition is being or
ganized by people on the fringes of the
Democratic Party: by socialist author
Michael Harrington and his “Democratic
Agenda movement, and by community
organizer Wade Rathke and the loose-knit
coalition of community groups which calls
itself ACORN.
If the dissent is confined to those quar
ters, there is little doubt that the budget
cutting philosphy will remain dominant in
Carter’s remodeled Democratic adminis
tration.
(c) 1978, The Washington PostCompany
Democratic Leader
Byrd takes the test
By CHERYL ARVIDSON
WASHINGTON — Republican gains in
the Senate will put Democratic Leader
Rolx*rt Byrd s talents as a compromiser to
their sternest test if any change is to be
made in the Senate’s ability to stop bills
from being talked to death.
The filibuster is a timehonored tool
whereby minority opponents take to the
floor to talk at length to block legislation
from coming to a vote, regardless of
whether the bill has enough votes to pass.
To deal with the filibuster, the Senate in
1917 adopted a procedure — known as clo
ture — to limit debate and schedule a final
vote if two-thirds of those present and vot
ing want to end the talkathon. The two-
thirds requirement was changed to 60 of
the 100 senators in March 1975.
Washington Window
The concept behind cloture is simple.
After the Senate agrees to a motion to shut
off debate, the bill in question becomes the
sole business before the Senate and each
senator is limited to one hour of additional
talking time. Eventually, the opponents
will use up their allotted time and when no
one else wants to speak, the bill gets its
longawaited final vote.
But in recent years, the late parlia
mentary genius Sen. James Allen, D-Ala.,
found a way to keep cloture from doing
what it was intended to do if opponents
were really determined to stop a bill.
Allen became the architect of the “post
cloture filibuster,’’ taking advantage of
loopholes in the cloture rule that fail to
include in a senator’s one-hour talk limit
the time consumed by quorum calls and
roll call votes on procedural or substantive
motions.
When Byrd became Senate Democratic
leader in 1976, he tried to close loopholes
in the cloture rule to make the Senate’s
debate-limiting procedure meaningful
once again. However, Howard Baker, the
new Republican leader, rallied his GOP
forces to hold firm against any change.
Although there were only 38 Republi
cans at that time, they voted as a bloc and
got enough help from conservative south
ern Democrats to wage an unbeatable
filibuster. Byrd was unable to muster the
necessary' 60 votes to invoke cloture and
finally had to pull the proposed rules
change off the agenda so the Senate could
move on to other business.
In the November elections. Senate Re
publicans gained three more seats and
reached a total of 41. If Baker can keep his
forces solid again, the GOP alone has more
than enough votes to stop a cloture vote on
any proposed change in the filibuster rule
and kill the rules reform effort.
If Byrd wishes to close the loopholes and
end the “post cloture” filibuster, he will
have to strike an acceptable deal with
Baker. In 1976, Byrd’s best efforts at com
promise could nqt satisfy the minority,
which is always edgy about its debate -
rights, and Baker has even more bargaining
chips this time.
Ironically, the real loser if Byrd and
Baker fail to reach an agreement on a
change in the cloture rule will be the dem
ocratic process.
This whole system of government is
based on a majority vote. In the Senate,
that means 51 votes should pass a bill. The
present rules are being used to effectively
force that figure to 60 for controversial
legislation — the number of votes needed
to invoke cloture — and even that fails to
guarantee a final vote.
If the “post cloture filibuster” is allowed
to rage with no constraints, the American
public will find that a determined handful
of senators could block even the most
broadly supported piece of legislation be
fore the Senate.
Opponents argue the “extended debate”
of a filibuster is needed to stop bad legisla
tion. Byrd’s reply is terse:
The way to stop bad legislation is to put it
to an up or down vote and let the majority
rule.
x O' 3 A
*80°'
oqq)
Greetings From Your Local Selective Suffrage Board
Tax credit voting
By DICK WEST
WASHINGTON — Campaign spend
ing, according to post-election computa
tions, hit new peaks in this year’s congres
sional races.
Yet the turnout at the polls remained
deplorably small, again representing less
than 40 percent of the eligible voters.
The lesson here is clear: we can no longer
leave it up to the candidates themselves to
arouse the electorate enough to go to the
polls.
Although big spenders may be able to
buy enough votes to beat their opponents,
lavish outlays evidently have little impact
on suffrage per se.
In other words, while a well-financed
campaign may influence the way some vot
ers who vote vote, it provides no ballotcast
ing stimulation for voters who don’t vote.
If, as many political scientists believe,
present voting patterns are inimical to the
democratic process, something should be
done to provide more voting incentive.
I’ve been giving this matter a lot of
thought and may have the answer.
As every taxpayer knows, presidential
campaigns are now financed from public
funds that we consign to that purpose on
our income tax forms.
So why not take this process a step be
yond and use the tax form to encourage
voting?
Specifically, why not allow a tax credit for
Letters to the Editor
taxpayers who exercise their franchise in
national elections?
Tax loopholes have become America’s
most powerful motivating force. They can
induce people to insulate houses, contrib
ute to charity, drink three martinis at lunch
and otherwise behave in ways that are
counter to their basic natures.
People, in short, will do almost anything
for a tax break — maybe even vote.
What I’m proposing, in effect, is a re
verse poll tax. Whereas some of us once
paid taxes for the privilege of voting, we
would now collect refunds for taking the
trouble.
The size of a tax credit necessary to incite
majority voting would have to be deter
mined at congressional hearings.
In the tales of vote-buying that I’ve
heard, $5 was a frequently mentioned fig
ure. But that money went to people who
probably would have voted anyway.
The concept of rewarding someone for
the act of voting, rather than for voting for a
particular candidate, presents an entirely
new statistical challenge.
It will be argued, no doubt, that anyone
who won’t vote without tax incentives
doesn’t deserve the right to vote. I look at it
this way:
Voluntarily voting is our most precious
heritage and is worth preserving at all
costs. For if the tax credit fails to flush out
the slackers, the alternative may be a voter
draft.
Dorm activity fee
needs challenging
Editor:
How just is a mandatory activity fee? If
you live in a programmed hall, you are
required by your dorm to pay an activity
fee. This fee is applicable to social, educa
tional, recreational, and other activities.
Are you aware that the fee, although
mandatory by your dorm, is not required
by the University? We have recently be
come aware that there is an option in this
matter. If you feel, as we do, that one
should have the right to pay and participate
or the privilege not to pay and not partici
pate, then direct your grievances to your
dorm council. Organize a group of fellow
residents with similar grievances, and
present your opposition to this “represen
tative body.”
We feel certain from past experience that
we are not alone in opposition to this fee.
Organized opposition cannot be ignored.
— Cherri Marsh, ’79
Carloyn Kresta, ’79
Mitzi Micheli, ’80
Linda Roderick, ’80
Stephanie Moy, ’79
Vickie Tenhet, ’78
Uniformed voter
Editor:
Hey class of’82, are you satisfied with the
representatives you have elected? What?
You say you don’t know you have any? Well
you are not alone. The election was barely
publicized, the responsibilities of office
were unknown, and some of the candidates
did not even show up for their speeches.
As a freshman this year I have had to
adjust to many new experiences. I have
learned about dorm living, organizing
time, and what not to eat in Sbisa. But I do
not know what a freshman senator is much
less what his duties are.
Why not form a group to gather informa
tion on the candidates stating their pro
posed projects and listing their respon
sibilities. This pamphlet would inform the
voters. It would also create fair and intelli
gent voting by reducing those votes based
solely on popularity or good looks.
Voter apathy is bad when the people are
informed. Blame is to be placed elsewhere
when no information regarding the candi
dates is available.
— Sandie Winnie, ’82
Readers’
Forum
Guest viewpoints, in addition to
Letters to the Editor, are welcome.
All pieces submitted to Readers’
forum should be:
• Typed triple space
• Limited to 60 characters per
line
• Limited to 100 lines
Top of the News
CAMPUS
Account statements wont
arrive
Bill Lancaster, Texas AficM University budget and payrollsenicts
manager, announced that faculty statements of account from the
teachers’ retirement system in Austin will not be available this semes
ter because of a p>ap>er strike. The statements are normally distributed
in November of each year. Lancaster said he does not know when the
statements will be available.
STATE
Tower election results certified
Final tabulations made I hursday by the State CanvassingBoardii
Austin certified the election of Sen. John Tower, R-Texas, over Rep
Bob Krueger, D-Texas by a 12.227-vote margin. The canvassingofthe
Nov. 7 U S. Senate election had been delayed because Krueger's staff
had conducted a recount of the close race. That recount had not
changed the final figures too much from the first preliminary count
where Tower led by about 12,000 votes.
Olson to head insurance board
Rep. Lyndon Olson Jr., D-Waco, was apix)inted Thursday by Gov.
Dolph Briscoe to head the State Board of Insurance in Austin. Olson
replaces Hugh Yantis whom Briscoe had appointed after the resigna
tion of Joe Christie last year. Yantis was forced to step down when the
senate failed to confirm his appointment during the special legislative
Elsie the cow may he in trouble
Borden, Inc. and a San Antonio milk marketing plant recentlycame
under fire when the companies refused to open their business records
to Agriculture Commissioner Gil Dozier. He said the association
between the two companies was being investigated for possible anb-
competitive practices. TYae San Antonio company. Southern Milk,had
just become the marketing representative for Baton Rouge areadair
farmers. Dozier questioned a Ixaard member of Southern Milk about
measures that might protect farmers against extensive useoftheirmi
to produce cheese and other dairy goods that bring the farmeralower
price than milk sold in liquid form. He also questioned its anticipated
$1.2 million yearly earnings in Louisiana and the possibility that
farmers would have to pay additional charges for the shipment of
surplus milk to distant markets. He added that he may request an
order compelling the company to disclose the business records.
WORLD
Smoke damages Notre Dame
More than 200 Montreal fireman brought under control a fire
Thursday that gutted a chapel and for a while threatened the Notre
Dame church, a landmark in the city’s old quarter. Parish priests say
the church was damaged by smoke and six inches ofwater on its floors.
It will be closed to tourists and worshippers for at least a week pending
a frill assessment of damages. District Fire Chief Lucien Seguinsaidan
arson squad would be called in to investigate the cause.
Oil prices to go up next year
Saudi Oil Minister Sheikh Ahmed Zaki Yamani has reported that
members of the Organization of Petroleum Exerting Countries have
“agreed not to freeze oil prices at the Dec. 16 Abu Dhabi meeting” and
that oil prices will go up next year. He mentioned no figures, however
OPEC states say prices will probably be raised by 5 to 8 percent at the
Abu Dhabi conference with an increase to be implemented gradually.
Propaganda charges defended
South African President John Vorster Thursday opened an
emergency session of parliament by defending the government against
charges it secretly spent $73 million for propaganda purposes includ
ing a pro-government newspaper and a chain of black movie theaters.
He insisted that South Africa was simply countering the unconven
tional methods of its “enemies” with unusual methods of its own. He
conceded to the packed Assembly that because the funds were not
debated publicly, the government ‘realizes that a heavier responsibil
ity than usual rests on its shoulders to ensure that the special funds are
used to the best possible advantage and with the greatest responsibil
ity. Vorster added that if allegations that the government is using the
funds to further its cause, then “action must be taken against the bodies
and persons concerned.”
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The Battalion
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