THE BATTALION
Page 2 College Station, Texas Thursday, July 23, 1964
BATTALION EDITORIALS
College Station Officials
Ignoring Traffic Needs
To stop, or not to stop has been answered on the A&M
campus even though it appears that officials of the City of
College Station ignore the question.
Several signs were placed at various points on the cam
pus a week and a half ago. Included were yield right of way
signs on Old Main at the intersection of Military Walk by the
YMCA. Another yield sign was placed on Ross at Houston in
front of Sbisa Hall.
Other signs placed on campus were a do not enter sign
at the end of Bizzel at Ross Streets, two one way signs east
of the Engineering library and a one way street sign on
Coke Street in front of Dorm 12.
Although confusing at the present, the stop signs on
Joe Routt Blvd. at the intersection of Throckmorton- South
east of Guion Hall- were reversed so that the Throckmorton
traffic now stops.
Also, the campus operated vehicles have not been park
ing in the street or straddling the curb as much as usual
near parking lots or parking spaces. Not only did this
practice, in most cases laziness, block traffic, but it created
a dangerous situation in several instances.
Still, College Station officials overlook the safety factors
in several areas. Not only do the residents, students and
visitors not know which vehicle is to yield right of way on
the Sulphur Springs Road and College Avenue Circle, but
one policeman when asked, said that he did not know for
jsure.
Also, the intersection of Fairview and Jersey St. in
South Gate still has the travelers looking at each other to
decide who is suppose to stop even though a stop sign is
installed on Fairview. Even though a traffic engineer may
say this particular stop sign is in the best position, many
travelers on these streets disagree.
And again, the College Station and Bryan area are build
ing and modernizing homes and businesses but the streets,
are far from what the bi-city area should be proud of. The
improvements made last summer on several streets were
welcome sights. Wheel balancers and alignment men should
be harvesting the unnecessary income from the mountains
and valleys in the streets.
Indian Settlement Out
Cherokee Indians, run out of
East Texas in 1839 by a Republic
of Texas army, have failed in an
attempt to “recapture” claims to
lands they were forced to leave.
Atty. Gen. Waggoner Carr
gave the “no” sign to proposed
settlement of their claim to 2,-
500,000 acres of land in Smith,
Cherokee, Van Zandt, Gregg and
Rusk counties.
Cherokee Indian Nation,
through general counsel, Earl
Boyd Pierce, several months ago
proposed that Governor Connally
set up a historical fact-finding
commission to review the claims.
For each acre of land the com
mission might find the Indians
were unjustly ousted from, Pierce
recommended one dollar be allo
cated by the state to a trust fund
for higher education of worthy
Cherokees. This money would
draw five per cent interest an
nually, and at the end of 25 years,
the Cherokees would return the
corpus of the fund to the state,
releasing all claims.
Atty. Gen. Carr concluded: the
plan of settlement would require
an unconstitutional appropriation
by the Legislature, therefore nei
ther he nor the Governor is au
thorized to pursue it.
A Popular Place
Texas’ State Capitol is being
invaded daily by both Texans and
out of state tourists who come
here to pay tribute to the his
tory of the state. Men, women
and children—about three times
as many children as parents, it
seems—literally crowd the Capi
tol’s halls, their numbers reach
ing as many as 1,200 a day.
One of the most popular stops
on the informal tour (there are
no guides) of State buildings is
the State Archives and Library,
just across a walkway from the
Capitol.
There, renowned artists Peter
Hured and his son-in-law Peter
Rogers are executing a mural of
Texas’ history, featuring remark
able likenesses of Stetphen F.
Austin, Sam Houston and Anson
Jones, as well as Davy Crockett
and William B. Travis. The mu
ral depicts the conquistador as
well as the cowboy.
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THE BATTALION
Opinions expressed in The Battalion are those of the
student writers only. The Battalion is a non tax-supported,
non-profit, self-supporting educational enterprise edited and
operated by students as a university and community news
paper and is under the supervision of the director of Stu
dent Publications at Texas A&M University.
Members of the Student Publications Board are James L. Lindsey, chairman ; Delbert
McGuire, College of Arts and Sciences: J. A. Orr, College of Engineering; J. M.
Holcomb, College of Agriculture; and Dr. E. D. McMurry, College of Veterinary Medicine.
The Battalion, a student newspaper at Texas A&M is published in College Sta
tion, Texas daily except Saturday, Sunday, and Monday, and holiday periods. Septem
ber through May, and once a week during summer school.
The Associated Press is entitled exclusively to the use for republication of all news
dispatches credited to it or not otherwise credited in the paper and local news of
spontaneous origin published herein. Rights of republication of all other matter here
in are also reserved.
Second-Class postage paid
at College Station, Texas.
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Mail subscriptions are $3.60 per semester; $6 per school year, $6.50 per full year.
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Address: The Battalion, Room 4, YMCA Building; College Station, Texas.
News contributions may be made by telephoning VI 6-6618 or VI 6-4910 or at the
editorial office. Room 4, YMCA Building. For advertising or delivery call VI 6-6415.
JOHN WRIGHT - EDITOR
Clovis McCallister - -vs Editor
CADET SLOUCH
by jim Earie Party, Factions In Texas
“ I just stopped by to tell that I might be late with my
assignment because my studies have been takin’ much
time! I’m doin’ my best, but I’m takin’ too heavy a load
this semester!”
Dixie’s Air Force
MERCEDES, Tex., July 23 <A>)
— If the South should ever rise
again, as die-hard southerners
predict, it will have its own air
force.
A group of history minded fly
ing enthusiasts have formed the
Confederate Air Force at Rebel
Field east of Mercedes in the
Lower Rio Grande Valley.
The CAF now maintains a fly
ing museum of all the first line
American fighter planes which
saw action in World War II.
The weekend rebels began their
collection with the purchase of a
surplus P51 Mustang in 1957.
Since then, CAF members have
bought a P63 Kingcobra, FGI-D
Corsair, FM2 Wildcat, P40 War-
hawk, F8F Bearcat, P47 Thunder
bolt, P38 Lightning, and an F6F
Hellcat .
“We’ve spent thousands of dol
lars and many, many hours of
hard work to get these old planes
flying,” says Lloyd P. Nolen, one
of the CAF’s honory colonels.
“Some of these planes are the
only ones of their kind still in
flying condition anywhere in the
world. We’re mighty proud of
them.”
Each of the planes is marked
with the Stars and Bars, the bat
tle flag of the Confederate States
of America, and all are labeled
“Confederate Air Force.”
The mythical CAF command
er, Col. Jethro E. Culpepper, has
never been seen at Rebel Field.
The colonels say he is busy in
Washington, D. C. (they call it
Malfunction Junction) trying to
get the Capitol turned to face
south.
The objectives of the CAF are
to keep the first line combat craft
of World War II flying and to
“preserve the great customs and
traditions of the deep South.”
The customs and traditions in
clude: good southern cooking, lei
surely drinking, catfishing, pocket
whitling, rocking chair rocking,
and plain old shade tree sitting.
The just-for-fun rebels have
encountered many problems, in
cluding U. S. government orders
to destroy the old planes, in ga
thering aircraft for the museum.
Their search for planes has
taken on an international scope.
A P47 Thunderbolt was located in
Nicaragua last year. It was on
flying duty with the Nicaraguan
Air Force. When Col. Dick Dis
ney went down to take delivery,
the craft was completely armed.
Disney had the guns and ammuni
tion removed before flying back
to Mercedes.
By ROBERT E. FORD
Associated Press Writer
There is a very convenient
word to describe the Democratic
party in Texas: Anarchy.
That is one of the words used
by three professors who have
just completed “Party and Fac
tional Division in Texas,” an at
tempt to analyze the political
forces in the state.
Professors James R. Soukup of
the University of Texas, Clifton
McCleskey of the University of
Houston and Harry Holloway of
the University of Oklahoma con
tend there actually are three poli
tical parties in the state.
They name them as the Re
publican, conservative Democra
tic and liberal Democratic.
THE AUTHORS repeatedly
find supporting data in their fi
gures for their claim that econo
mics may be the major driving
force in Texas politics and that
the rise of the Republican party
in recent years has its basis in
the rise of wealth.
The teachers declare that con
servatism stems from the “per
sonal insecurity of men suddenly
made rich.” There aren’t that
many rich men in Texas. But
their reasoning goes further —
that the rich become leaders or
influence leaders, and they are
able to sweep masses of voters to
their viewpoints.
“New wealth is by nature fret
ful, suspicious and uneasy, espec
ially when it rests on an eco
nomically volatile petroleum
base,” say the three writers. The
same line of reasoning is indi
cated for the more economically
stable farmers and ranchers and
any others with a sound economic
base.
THE VIEWPOINTS of the au
thors will be encouraging to both
Republicans and the liberal Demo
cratic, for they find both factions
growing in strength.
But at the same time, both
these factions will be displeased
with some other conclusions.
For the Republicans, the un
happy facts are that in 1962 only
2 per cent more voters considered
themselves Republicans than was
the case in 1952, and the top fig
ure is 9 per cent. This figure, of
course, is no indication of how
many votes may be vast for a
Republican candidate. This leads
to the inescapable fact that the
GOP must swing vast numbers
of conservative Democrats and in
dependents to their candidate to
win any election.
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thors, are within striking dis
tance of taking over the Demo
cratic party if they would stop
fighting among themselves. If
they should take over, there
would be a swing of masses of
conservative Democrats to the
GOP.
The discouraging future faced
by the liberals is that there is
little chance of the factions work
ing together, unless tied together
by some unifying personality of
the Franklin D. Roosevelt.
Even when each faction is or
ganized in a militant faction in
the cities, separate factions may
war with the others. Union mem
bers, the authors believe, are not
inclined to vote on the basis of
civil rights, no matter what union
leaders urge. Negroes are inclin
ed to vote as the civil rights situ
ation indicates.
LATIN-AMERICANS seem to
be the most difficult to analyze,
for they consider civil rights in
voting — but not necessarily the
same civil rights as concerns
Negroes — and are showing signs
of voting conservatively when'
economics is an issue.
The professors say that if the
Republicans expect to become a
real factor throughout the state,
they must move toward the cen
ter, which doesn’t seem likely. On
the other hand, the liberals will
have to become a cohesive mil
or forever find themselves only i
close second best; and unity s
far is only a dream.
This leaves the conservativi
Democrats still in the most stra.
tegic position as far as elects
men who share their views.
A LITTLE modification of a
conservative Democrat’s view:
may swing him enough of tin
liberal vote for nomination. Ani
if the Democratic party shoi
nominate a liberal, the farthes:
right of the Democrats can al
ways join forces with the Repub
licans in the general electior.
Both tactics have been employe!
successfully.
The authors have an explana
tion for the failure of the cities to
swing liberal as they have done ii
northern states.
One is that Texas cities
are more commercial than indw
trial and therefore the industrial
union labor vote is not the infla
ence it is in such cities as De
troit. Another is that automa
tion has slowed the growth of
any large union force — whiti
collar workers actually operate
the factories. A third is the re
lative wealth in the cities, an!
the writers equate wealth with
conservatism.
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